ICSPS 2017
Submission Management System
Main Site
Submission Guide
Participant List
Abstract List
Paper List
:: Abstract List ::


The Dull Propaganda of TV toward Cathartic Moslem on Facebook in the Issue of Quran’s Verse Blasphemy in Indonesia

University of Indonesia
sponsored by Indonesian Endowment Fund for Education (LPDP), under cooperation of three ministries: Ministry of Finance, Ministry of Education and Culture, and Ministry of Religious Affair.


Television appears for the beginning as the effective media in conducting propaganda in the era of new order below President Soeharto where the Government’s power is dominant. In the post-reformation era, the power moves from government’s power to economical-political interest of media capitalists. However, as digitalization era comes, propaganda is getting faded over.
This paper discusses about how TV news propaganda causes cathartic effect on Moslem people in Indonesia and how they attempt to counter the propaganda of TV News which unfairly report their acts in the context of Quran’s verse blasphemy issue conducted by Governor of Jakarta, Basuki Tjahaja Purnama (Ahok).
This paper uses research-based qualitative method. It is done by analyzing content of TV News and Moslem Sympathizer’s Facebook Account through critical paradigm. This study elaborates two main theory related to the case, theory of propaganda and catharsis theory. The result of this study indicates that TV propaganda cannot influence the opinion of Moslem sympathizers and it tends to violate them, causing cathartic effect toward Moslem sympathizers that release the counter coverage against Metro TV News in the Quran blasphemy issue through their Facebook account.

Topic: Democracy, conflict, and political violence

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=14


Conflict on the construction of house of worship in Indonesia: A case study of GKI Yasmin
Haifa Inayah

University of Massachusetts Boston


GKI (Gereja Keristen Indonesia) is a group of Presbyterian-minorities that live in Bogor, Indonesia. The city is located 60 miles from the capital, Jakarta, with an exceptionally homogeneous religious demographic with 98% of the population being Sunni-Muslim. The conflict started following the effort of GKI group to build a church in Perumahan Taman Yasmin, a residential area that located in a Muslim majority neighborhood. This project then receives rejection and backlash by the Muslim citizens, mentioning that the construction was illegal due to invalid construction permit. City of Bogor’s government then sealed the project, which the GKI immediately responds by filed a lawsuit against the city’s government for the sealing. The Administrative Court the Administrative High Court and later, the Supreme Court, verdicts that the permit is valid and orders the Bogor government to unseal the location. However, the site remains sealed to present days that the nation’s Ombudsman warned the Bogor government to obey the verdict. This paper, based largely on in-depth interviews and literature sources will try to analyze what the causes of the conflict are and attempts to come up with the intervention strategies to solve the conflict.

Topic: Democracy, conflict, and political violence

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=28


The Phenomenon of Deradicalization at Al Hidayah Islamic Boarding School, North Sumatra Province, Indonesia
Husnul Isa Harahap, T. Irmayani

Department of Political Science, Universitas Sumatera Utara, Jl. A Sofyan No 1 Kampus USU Padang Bulan Medan 20155; Phone: +62618220760; Faximile: +62618720760


The phenomenon of de-radicalization is a rare attempt in the study of terrorism. This is because institutions that specifically do so are still minimal, especially in educational institutions such as boarding school. In the case of Indonesia, Al Hidayah boarding school is the first in Indonesia to educate children from former terrorist families as well as for the poor. The questions related to the phenomenon are, what is the main background the establishment of Al Hidayah Boarding School in Deli Serdang District? Why is this boarding school trying to educate the children of terrorist to anticipate the growing understanding of radicalism? This study attempts to answer the question by using qualitative methods. Data collection methods applied are document studies, observation, in-depth interviews. The findings of this study are three backgrounds of the establishment of this boarding school. First, the ideological change of the actor. Second, humanitarian reasons; Third, as a role model de-radicalization. The guidance of the terrorist children is done for five things. First, abandoned because his parents were imprisoned or died; Second, there is a negative stigma in society against children of terrorists; Third, they absorb the seed of radical ideology (spirited of terror) through their parents; Fourth, the tendency to have the nature of hate the state, the security apparatus; Fifth, having the potential to be recruited as terrorists. The theoretical implications of this study are two. First, reinforce Mia Blooms theory that has explained the emergence of terrorists. Second, it rejects Mark Jurgensmeyers theory which has explained the strange relationship between religion and terrorism.

Topic: Democracy, conflict, and political violence

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=42


Video Pidato Kemenangan Anies - Sandi in YouTube Channel (Virtual Etnography Study about Spicy Comments from Netizen for Video Pidato Kemenangan Anies - Sandi on the CNN Indonesia YouTube Channel)



The purpose of this study is to analyze the netizens spicy comments related to the video content of the Pidato Kemenangan Anies - Sandi on the CNN Indonesia YouTube Channel.

The method used in this study is a qualitative method with a virtual ethnography approach to analyze the video Pidato Kemenangan Anies - Sandi on the CNN Indonesia YouTube Channel. The main object of this research is video Pidato Kemenangan Anies - Sandi on the CNN Indonesia YouTube Channel. Data collection techniques are conducted through participatory observation and literature studies.

The results of this study indicate that netizen ridicule comments related to the video content Pidato Kemenangan Anies - Sandi on the CNN Indonesia YouTube Channel are: 1) netizens mocking the promises of Anies - Sandi campaigns; 2) netizens mocking the performance of Ahok - Djarot; 3) netizens mocking other netizens in favor Anies - Sandi, 4) netizens mock other netizens in favor of Ahok - Djarot, 5) netizens mocking the Anies - Sandi couples, and 6) netizens mocking the Ahok - Djarot couple.

Topic: Democracy, conflict, and political violence

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=47


Conflict of Former Free Aceh Movement (GAM) Elites In Fighting For Political Power In Aceh
Sahruddin Lubis (1), Aris Munandar (2)

1. Departement of Political Science, Universitas Nasional. Jalan Sawo manila Pejaten Pasar Minggu , Jakarta

2. School of Graduated Program and Departement of Socialogy, Universitas Nasional Jakarta


This study aims to see how the elite conflicts of Fee Aceh Movement (GAM) fight for power in Aceh. Conflict can not be separated from the political history of Aceh, Aceh was engulfed by conflict more than 130 years, ranging from the conflict between the Acehnese and the Dutch colonials, continues to the conflict between Daud Bereuh and the Soekarno government and then in the era of suharto the conflict re-emerged between the Free Aceh Movement under the command of Hasan Tiro and the central government. Aceh is always in conflict, whether it is vertical conflict or horizontal conflict. Horizontal conflict was a conflict between Acehnese and had occurred long before the arrival of the Dutch in Aceh and when the Dutch came to Indonesia, they united against the Dutch colonizers. The internal conflicts in Aceh have long historical roots, from Cumbok War of 1945-1946 which is an internal conflict between Ulama and Uleebalang Aceh. After Indonesia independence from Dutch colonialism. Aceh people against the central government. This vertical conflict ended in the peace era of 2005 after the MoU Helsinki, but in seeking political power (legislative and executive) in Aceh, there was a horizontal conflict among Acehnese, especially among former combatants of GAM. The conflicts that arise in Aceh are like cycles that always appear, often bear violent and always take casualties. By looking at these patterns, it can be concluded that there are certain political behaviors that make it difficult for Acehnese to reconcile themselves with their own politically and constantly create new conflicts after the old conflict has subsided. Furthermore, it can be seen that there is no internal political violence conflict in Aceh fundamentally resolved, leaving always the seed of a new conflict. One of the most obvious recent phenomenon is the organization-wide division of GAM which confronts the formation of Aceh Party (PA) and Aceh National Party (PNA), and how eventually both groups triggered new internal political violence in Aceh. The focus of the study is the elite conflict of former GAM in fighting political violence both to the legislative and executive bodies. The elite conflict of GAM ex-combatants is fragmented into two major groups PA and PNA.
The emergence of conflict in Aceh is always repeated caused by, firstly, the historical aspect in which Aceh is always colored by conflict, past conflict becomes the trigger of conflict in the future. Secondly, the existing conflict is never fully resolved, so that it creates new seeds of conflict, thirdly, the central government contributes to the emergence and perpetuation of the conflict in Aceh. Fourthly, there has not been a full consensus on the direction of politics in Aceh, especially among the opposing political elites. Aceh still has many problems to communicate among the people of Aceh, such as ethnic issues, past conflicts, proposals of new provinces, appointment of wali nangroe that has not been approved by all Aceh People.

Topic: Democracy, conflict, and political violence

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=49


Indonesia - GAM Peace Process Reflection on Turkey - PKK Conflict
Afriandha Fakhri, Dr. Badrus Sholeh



Partiya Karker�n Kurdistan�, translated as Kurdistan Workers Party, is a political organization that focused on the liberation of Kurdish people especially in Turkey. Throughout the history, they received many negative reactions from countries due to their ruthless struggle against Turkish government. The organization is considered as terrorist organization by many countries including Turkey, The United States, United Kingdom, and Australia. This labelling is based on its methods of operation, they use force to reach their goal. Acts like bombing, ambush, and armed assault against Turkish authority.

At the beginning of their struggle, they demand an independent state of Kurdistan from Turkey. However, through the time, they change their goal and now they only want a regional autonomy from the government. This goal reflects the true form of the organization. As they wanted separation, they can be called a separatist organization, no wonder if they use the tactics a rebel would do to fight the ruling government, as mentioned above. Turkish government has to deal with the PKK in order to restore peace in their country.

There is an example of a solution that can be applied to make peace with the PKK, they can take an example from Free Aceh Movement (GAM) and Indonesian government peace process. GAM was indeed a separatist organization. Its methods of operations was the same as PKK, they fought the ruling government through armed attacks. Indonesian government has declared martial law on Aceh to fight GAM, but this method was not succesful. In the end, both party can achieve peace through talks and negotiations. Indonesia can play strategic role in mediating conflict of PKK-Turkish government by sharing important lessons from how Indonesia successfully made a peaceful agreement with Free Aceh Movement (GAM). This is based on interviews to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and leaders of Acehnese used to involve in peace process. It argues that Turkish government is able to make a peaceful agreement and integrate Kurdish minority by giving them special autonomy status.

Topic: Democracy, conflict, and political violence

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=71


Muslim-Christian Relationship in Indonesian Reform Era Within the Framework of Democracy: Case Study of Bandung, Bekasi and Bogor (1998-2015)
Angel Damayanti

Faculty of Social and Political Sciences
Christian University of Indonesia


A relatively peaceful and harmonious relationship between Muslims and Christians in Indonesia has been dotted by religious intolerance and worship restrictions in the form of churches destruction, banned and closed. The majority of restrictions happened in West Java Province, mostly in Bandung, Bekasi and Bogor regions where this research use them as case study. Ironically, the majority of restriction occurred in the Reformasi era, where the political system should have promoted human rights and practices of decentralized system. Against this background, this thesis seeks to find out the cases of worship restriction in reform era and how a democratic government deals with such restriction.

To answer the questions, this research utilizes qualitative methodology including the case studies, historical studies and triangulation method to ensure the comprehensiveness of its data sources and analyzes. By employing theories of democracy and democratization, decentralization, and human rights, this study finds that Muslims-Christians relationship since the beginning of their encounter in Indonesia has been spoiled by reciprocal threat perception in terms of the suspicion of Christianization vis a vis the suspicion of the establishment of Islamic state.

This study also finds that multiple factors explaining the cases; first, the rise of radical Islamic groups which majority become the perpetrators of the restriction in addition to government officers and lay Muslims. Second, the obscurity on delegation of authority in decentralization system and the contradiction between central government regulations, which adopt the contradictive pretext of religious freedom vis a vis religious harmony, and local government regulations which only address the maintenance of order as parts of its function yet ignoring the promotion of religious freedom. Third, the ignorance of government to take firm measures resulted in the partisanship of local government to perpetrators, in the name of maintaining public order yet providing no protection and/or accommodation to the minorities.

Topic: Democracy, conflict, and political violence

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=75


The Implementations of Islamic Law and Post-Conflict Development in Aceh, Northern Indonesia
Adhi Cahya Fahadayna

Northeastern University


This research will focus on how the religion could influence the post-conflict development in Aceh, Northern Indonesia. This topic also will discuss the position and potency of religion in the conflict resolution with analysis how successful religion could stop the Aceh Conflict and bring peace to Acehnese people. This paper also will measure how important religion toward restoring peace in Aceh. Moreover, this paper will explain the problem behind the Acehnese implementation sharia law and clash between societies that stimulated by the sharia law. This article used secondary data that acquired from the book and scholarly journal. This paper also implemented qualitative analysis in which will test several hypotheses toward data that obtained from the research.

Topic: Democracy, conflict, and political violence

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=81


Gening Nura Newa: The Conflict Of Communal Land Ownership In Indonesia
Agustinus M.H. Making [a*] , M. Fadhil Nurdin [b], Fitaha Aini [c]

a, b] The Faculty of Social and Political Science, Padjadjaran University, Bandung

[c] Universitas Islam 45, Bekasi, Indonesia


There are two important focuses in this paper. First, it is a critical literature review of the conflict theories. Second, this article aims to find the empirical validity of Randal Collins conflict theory based on the phenomenon of the communal land ownership conflict between Lewonara and Lewobunga tribes. Empirical findings highlight that this tribal occurred for nine times since 1912 to 2015 and caused the death toll. The tribal existed as it was recognized by the customary law prevailing in the two tribes. For residents of both villages who mostly work as farmers and ranchers, ownership of communal land as a resource material nearly always generate extra wage and improve their social status. Nonetheless, until now there has been no tribes that fully own the communal land. In terms of interaction, the communications of both tribes are not well-established and apparently they still reproduce weapons. The local government has difficulty to find an ideal solution because, on the one hand, the Lewonara tribe want to solve this conflict through court verdict, and on the other hand, the Lewobunga tribe attempt to tackle it by oral tradition and ritual. The result of this study did not show that all the Collinss indicator can be applied to analyzing this conflict. This finding has significant implication that not all western conflict theories are entirely successful in examining phenomena in Indonesian.

Topic: Democracy, conflict, and political violence

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=86


Foreign Terrorist Fighters in Indonesia

University of Indonesia


Topic: Democracy, conflict, and political violence

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=88


Building Democracy in Post Conflict Aceh: Dynamics and Challenges
Mohammad Hasan Ansori

State Islamic University of Syarif Hidayatullah, Jakarta


The Aceh conflict was settled through Helsinki Peace Agreement in August 2005. The implementation of local election, which is the very first step of democratization, right after the Agreement is generally considered as a strategic instrument for establishing a sustainable peace in the region. However, post-conflict election process can contribute to the promotion of sustainable peace, but it can also create an entry to emergence of conflicts and violence and generate new post-conflict tensions. Theoretically speaking, multiple factors frequently related to the study of post-conflict democracy, covering institutional infrastructure and potential violence/conflict. The questions are: 1. how does post-conflict election in Aceh help build democracy; and 2. to what extent is the institutional and social preparedness in the implementation of post-conflict election in Aceh. Empirically, the data mainly indicate that diverse issues are closely entangled with the implementation of post-conflict election in Aceh, including governance, such as accountability, transparency, law enforcement and money politics, institutional infrastructure, capacity and integrity of election committee, including the unfairness and partiality of KIP, Panwas, PPK, PPS, KPPS and potential violence and intimidation. The data are primarily derived from interviews with diverse relevant stakeholders and secondary sources, including academic publications, governmental and public reports and documents and news papers.

Topic: Democracy, conflict, and political violence

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=93


Political Dynamics in Aceh: An Assessment of Electoral Violence in the Post-Conflict Peace Building
Inggrid Galuh Mustikawati



The central governments approach to the Aceh conflict has shifted from the use of top-down security approach to the devolution of economic and political power to the region. Through the signing of Helsinki Agreement, both Jakarta and Free Aceh Movement (Gerakan Aceh Merdeka-GAM) compromised their interests to end the conflict. The Law on Governing of Aceh (LoGA) and the Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) provide a strong framework for addressing many of centre-periphery issues. Therefore, the goal of peace building process is to generate agreement and outcomes that are acceptable to all conflicting parties with a minimum of compromise.
An examination of power sharing arrangements provided by Helsinki Agreement shows that the centre-periphery relation between GAM and Jakarta fall under the form of autonomy: asymmetrical federalism which giving greater authority over several matters to Aceh. Yet, to some degrees, the central government still has more control over certain authorities such as the matter of political parties and the mechanism of rule of law. The ability of the local government to ensure the power-sharing mechanism provided by the Helsinki Agreement needs to be implemented properly.
However, the situation in Aceh is relatively peaceful almost 12 years after the signing of the MoU in August, 2005. In fact, the post-conflict situation has led to the emergence of new forms of conflict within Aceh. There have been increasing tensions between elites which come from different groups of former GAM particularly in close with political momentum in the local elections. A number of electoral violence and conflicts that occur between different elites and their community characterized as a small-scale but frequent violence. This study will examine the political dynamics in the post conflict situation related to the power sharing mechanism in Aceh. Yet, the issues of accountability and transparency also become challenges to all parties to ensure the stability of the peace process.

Topic: Democracy, conflict, and political violence

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=94


Indonesian Democracy: What to Do with Political Violence?
Elyzabeth Bonethe Nasution

Universitas Pelita Harapan (UPH)


Topic: Democracy, conflict, and political violence

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=107


Legal Structures and Social Consequence: Indonesia’s Blasphemy Law and its Impacts to Religious Violence
Alif Satria

Centre for Strategic and International Studies


Writings on Indonesia’s Blasphemy Law, such as the papers by Melissa Crouch, focus only on the ways in which the law is used from a legal perspective. This essay will give further analysis by focusing on how the usage of this law impacts actors and behaviors on a social level, particularly its impacts to the level of religious violence in Indonesia.

The essay argues that, contrary to the claim made by Indonesia’s Constitutional Court in 2010, the use of Blasphemy Law does not decrease religious violence and may in fact contribute to its increase. The law contributes to the increase in violence by providing legitimacy to the narratives of self-defense often made by radical groups to justify acts of violence, adding a pull factor to their cause and constraining police officers from acting against them.

This argument will be made by firstly comparing 2 datasets; the use of Blasphemy Law, attained directly from the public records of the Constitutional Court and secondhand from other studies, and the rate of national intensity and spread of violence, taken from the National Violence Monitoring System (NVMS) and Wahid Institute’s Annual Religious Freedom Report.

From there, the essay will focus on two distinct cases; religious violence directed against Syiah (2012) and against Tarekat Samaniyah (2014). Using quantitative findings and further qualitative descriptions, to explain how the verdicts made under the Blasphemy Law towards the leaders of these 2 groups has exacerbated the support to and number of violence directed against them.

Topic: Democracy, conflict, and political violence

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=110


Agung Y. Nugroho, M.A., Ardli Johan Kusuma, M.HI., Chairil Akbar Setiawan, M.A

Universitas 17 Agustus 1945 Jakarta


The debate on the referendum administration given to the people of East Timor in 1998 by President Habibie raises the pros and cons. For Indonesian people referendum granting an unpopular decision and consider the Habibie government failed to maintain the integrity of the unitary state of the Republic of Indonesia and Habibie also considered to be more concerned with the opinions of western countries especially the United States and Australia. As for the international community, giving Indonesia a referendum is a step forward towards a more democratic state. Giving the referendum becomes a dilemma for his administration. At the domestic level further eroded the legitimacy of the Habibie government, because Habibie assumed to have no constitutional right to give the option to the East Timor referendum. Habibie was considered only as a transitional president. While the amount of pressure from the international community on human rights forced President Habibie to immediately determine a stance on East Timor. One of the most prominent human rights cases is the Santa Cruz event. This case stems from a shooting incident that made the military against protesters at the Santa Cruz cemetery, this is the incident that tarnished the name of Indonesia in the eyes of the International. From this incident precisely what later became the springboard appointment cases of human rights violations in East Timor. International pressure, especially from Australia and the United States on cases of human rights violations in East Timor was then forced Indonesia to issue a policy in an effort to accommodate the aspirations of the people of East Timor. And encourages the Government of Indonesia to bring the issue of East Timor to the international level.

Topic: Democracy, conflict, and political violence

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=114


Representation of “Democracy” In Indonesian Islamist Websites ArRahmah and Voa-Islam
Detta Rahmawan, Justito Adiprasetio, Preciosa Alnashava Janitra

Faculty of Communication Science, Padjadjaran University


Indonesia is seen as one of the most stable, democratic country with freedom of press and dynamic civil society. However, over the years various Islamist political parties and Islamist groups are emerging and frequently promote the idea of Islamic Law to replace the secular-democratic political system in Indonesia. Some of these groups use several websites to spread their ideology to the public and as a form of resistance to the “mainstream” news. In such context, this study uses descriptive method to explore how some Islamist websites portray the concept of democracy according to what they believe. Several articles from ArRahmah and VOA-Islam has been analysed as examples of Islamic websites in Indonesia. Throughout the analysis, it has been found that these websites frequently agitate the idea of “anti-democracy”. They claimed that democracy is a failing system, because it is expensive, it creates a political oligarchy, and it goes against the teachings of the Quran. Moreover, these islamist websites often used information from the member of HTI (Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia) a well-known organization which oppose democracy, as their primary sources. In short, the narrative offered does not lead to a healthy and productive discussion. instead, it has the potential to exaggerate ideological polarization among the people.

Topic: Democracy, conflict, and political violence

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=129


Resuscitating radicalism: Reformasi and its impact on Jemaah Islamiyahs concept of jihad
Gullnaz Baig

London School of Economics and Political Science


The presentation intends to examine the causal relationship between the democratization of political space under Reformasi and its impact on the radical Islamist movement, using the case study of Jemaah Islamiyah (JI). From 1998 to 2004, changes to the Indonesian political landscape engendered a new configuration of political power which presented opportunities, both directly and indirectly for Islamist political movements. Concurrently, this changing political landscape both coincided with and forced JI to engage in a process of internal self-reflection of its objectives and strategy.

The presentation adopts a historical analysis of JI’s sources. It picks out the discourse narrative where JI’s decision-making takes into consideration developments as a result of Reformasi. It particularly concentrates on JI’s engagement with two key concepts- namely Daulah Islamiyah (Islamic state) and jihad (struggle). It measures JI’s definition of Daulah Islamiyah against the Jakarta Charter, and the Pancasila state, and draw implications for JI’s objectives from this. It also examines JI’s internal split on the definition of the rightful arena for jihad which resulted in parts of JI supportive of terrorism as a strategy, others advocating a strategy of support in existing arenas of conflict, and others disavowing physical jihad altogether, preferring direct engagement in politics.

This presentation intends to examine the extent to which the Reformasi political environment affected JI’s decision-making. In this manner, it examines the extent to which terrorism and militant support for existing conflicts by a radical Islamist group such as JI was essentially an extension of political by other means.

Topic: Democracy, conflict, and political violence

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=133


BNPT and the Challenge of Terrorism in Indonesia
Rumaisha Mujahidah

Faculty of Social and Political Sciences of UIN Jakarta


In the midst of threatening events and terrorist attacks occurred in Indonesia, the government put considerable attention in order to handle it. Terrorism is called an extraordinary crime because it is not known exactly when and where the attack will take place, and cause massive victims and fears for the society. The perpetrators of terrorists and their networks are still free to move and disseminate radical understanding by utilizing the sophistication of technology today. Unlike the previous method in which baiat is done by face-to-face, now there is even lone wolf, where one can make a baiat through website with no one know. [1]
In dealing with this, the government established a special agency to counter terrorism. The National Counter Terrorism Agency/Badan Nasional Penanggulangan Terorisme (BNPT) works as a leading sector for stakeholders to continue to maintain the peace and security of Indonesia against terrorism. BNPT has the authority to formulate national policies and strategies in the field of counter-terrorism, to coordinate the stakeholders in charge of countering terrorism, and become the center of crisis control in the event of acts of terrorism. [2] One of the tasks of BNPT is to provide protection against vital objects, transportation and the environment and public facilities of possible terrorist attacks. The protection provided, among others, makes a policy on the procedure of coordination pattern (SOP) of these objects so that the internal security system can be strengthened and created a sense of security for the citizens within the object. BNPT makes SOP against each object with different security systems, adjusted to the conditions and situations within the object. The pattern of coordination explains the role of each stakeholder, so as to create the integration and cooperation of the government in order to strengthen the fort in facing the threats and terrorist attacks in Indonesia.

Topic: Democracy, conflict, and political violence

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=136


"The Light and Hope in Countering and Preventing Violence Extremism : The Role of Women".
Dete Aliah

Yayasan Prasasti Perdamaian


The landscape of radicalism in Indonessia has changing its face when a former migrant worker in Hongkong, Dian Yulia Novi cought by Special Dettachment 88 in last December 2016. Radicalism which was very identic with masculine world in the past, has opening an opportunity for women to participate in violence action, on the name of Jihad. Quite numbers of women have recruited through the online media and brainwashed to support the plan of ISIS. They are recruited to do jihad not only in Syiria, but through an online "fatwa" or command, where they are allowed to do the jihad in Indonesia. The battle field has changed, Indonesia in their opinion is a land for jihad too and therefore, violance action is permitted to used in order to achieve the goal in establishing a caliphate in Indonesia. The power of social media, especially telegram has lured women --whom in the stage of learning Islam-- to believe and follow the narration of radicalist group. They tend to believe without critically questioned the truth of the hadith and verses of Qurat that being quoted by the radicalist group. The data of Indonesian deportees from Turkey has proven that number of Indonesian women are successfully brainwashed and recruited to join the radicalist groups in Syiria and Indonesia. It is said to say that womens role is radicalist group has evolved, from only as a supporting system in the past, to become the the executor in the present and perhaps as the main leader in the future. There should be an action taken by other women, who has concern for peace, to respond to this situation. The action should be taken in two folds, first, to respond to the old group (Jamaah Islamiah) and second, to the new group : ISIS. It is relieving to know that in the circle of jihadist old group (Jamaah Islamiah), there are quite number of women/wives who could take the role as an agent of peace, who willingly to cut off their husband involvement from their old network. The biggest challenge is to respond to the new group, since they have a really good strategy, sophisticated and comprehensive approaches. The moderate women groups and human rights activists hand in hand with the government officers have initiating a joint collaboration work in preventing and countering violence extremism through various approaches. It is relieving, in the midst of darkness, there is still a light and hope sparkling from the other women side, to participate and seriously concern to prevent Indonesian women from being recruited and used by the radicalist groups.

Topic: Democracy, conflict, and political violence

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=144


The Remnants of a Rebellion: From Jihad to Hijrah and back again
Judith Jacob

London School of Economics


The execution of Darul Islam founder and emir, S.M Kartosuwiryo, in 1962 left a leadership vacuum within the militant Islamist community of Indonesia. After nearly two decades of bloody rebellion, the Sukarno and subsequently Suharto governments worked hard to expunge the movement’s political and religious objectives.

It is within this historical context that this paper will examine how violent Islamist movements survive following the decapitation of their leadership. It will argue that despite its significant military defeat, Darul Islam was able to regroup between the period 1962 and 1976, eventually leading to the establishment of the Komando Jihad network.

This paper posits that the ideology established by Kartosuwiryo played a crucial role sustaining his movement by allowing geographically disparate factions to find common ground, motivation and even aid in the recruitment of new members. Indeed, this ideology was sufficiently malleable to allow his successors, such as Aceng Kurnia, to adapt it to the group’s newfound circumstances, particularly as the anti-communist purges of 1965-66 presented it with a political opening.

Darul Islam’s resilience and transition from guerrilla rebellion to a clandestine network of terrorist cells has been largely overlooked in the existing literature on militant Islamist groups in Indonesia. Through a systematic examination of pamphlets, tracts and propaganda disseminated by Kartosuwiryo’s descendants and aids, as well as government records, this paper seeks to show how ideology builds resilience in violent Islamist movements in Indonesia and the difficulties faced by governments in truly ending this form of anti-state opposition.

Topic: Democracy, conflict, and political violence

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=146


Skewed global-focusing and global-spectacle of ISIS: A subtle media strategy for manufacturing popular dissent for terrorism as a legitimate approach for seeking political change in the Middle East
Ada Peter

Covenant University


Information from Word press page of Amaq News Agency (ANA), ISIS’s “official” news wire, may always be instantaneously transferred across millions of computer screens and mobile phones by news outlets and commentators around the world (Winter, 2016)
The preceding statement constitutes one of the key arguments of Charlie Winter, a Senior Researcher at the International Centre for the Study of Radicalization and Political Violence (ICSR), in an article written in The Atlantic. The author goes on to say that ISIS terrorism doesn’t end when a bomb detonates. It continues for hours, days, and weeks after, living on through the media. which is true in the case of most of its attacks.
Putting aside the Winter’s criticism of western media, the relationship between the mass media and terrorism particularly ISIS have often been described as symbiotic. The terrorists provide the media with emotional bloody news which then helps the mass media sell their products. Another less convincing but dominant criticism of the media (Perl 1997), (Spencer 2012), (Majoran 2015), (Rudoy 2016), (Doward 2015), (Bilgen 2012) is that Talibans, ISIS or the Jaosh-e Mohamed in Panthankot receive substantial media attention that lead to further violence.
What these arguments often fail to recognize or note, however is that while media marathons and debates discussing the cruelties of terrorists like ISIS create and spread fear, induce panic and urgency, the mass media, in this case, western mass media, are at the same time manufacturing popular dissent for ISIS agenda and their use of terrorism as means for pursuing political change. More so, while ISIS’s “official” news wire, may always be instantaneously transferred across millions of computer screens and mobile phones by news outlets and commentators around the world, these commentators and news outlets often leave off vital information including about ANA, the groups goals, mission, vision, etc. which may lead-on an initially indifferent or nauseated individual to a sympathetic t-extrovert. T-extroverts are persons unexperienced but interested in the objects and actions of terrorists.
So, how does the western mass media stage and manufacture popular dissent for ISIS agenda and use of terrorism as means for pursuing political change? This essay argues that two things are crucial in determining whether the mass media manufactures popular dissent or consent for ISIS agenda and terrorism as a means to an end. The first, is the western mass media’s global-focusing strategy on the group’s dehumanizing activities, mission, goals, struggles, challenges, and events that provided the generative force for their destructive operations in the Middle East and Europe. The second, a global spectacle of their actions and reasons for their actions (as though different from reasons of previous world and civil wars: power and glory, the pleasure of ruling, ideological day dreams, avenging wrongs, religious political or ethnic superstition) are key to dissuading terrorism as a legitimate means to political change.
A close examination of multiples of tens of media reports on some of the most recent terrorist attacks in London, United States, Sweden and Brussels reveal the rhetorical devices and strategies employed by three news outlet to manufacture dissent among indifferent members of the audience and generate further nauseating feeling for extant queasy members of the audience.
The essay proceeds as follows. The next section presents a very brief history of ISIS mission, goals, struggles, challenges and events that provided the generative force for their destructive operations in the Middle East and Europe, and provides empirical data to demonstrate how much attention the western media particularly CNN pays to these issues. Following this, the remainder of the essay will focus on the two mass media strategies for manufacturing popular dissent for the group’s activities as part of its contribution to the fight against using terrorism as a legitimate approach for seeking political change. The final section will draw conclusions that a skewed global-focusing and global spectacle of ISIS activities is a subtle art of downplaying important information that may arouse curiosity that can prompt an enormous pro ISIS deportment in other nations.

Topic: Democracy, conflict, and political violence

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=151


HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS IN SOUTHEAST ASIA The case of Khmer Rouge of 1975-1979 (Cambodia) and The case of East Timor of 1999 (Indonesia)
Nazaruddin Nasution

Dept of International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, State Islamic University


This research proves that in the 40 years of ASEAN, none of the member countries free from human rights violations ~ either ordinary or gross ones. ASEAN possesses instruments, namely the ASEAN Charter, the ASEAN Community, the National Commissions and AICHR to promote and protect human rights within ASEAN.
One of human rights theories used in this paper is Francis Deng’s Responsibility to Protect involving four categories of human rights violation (genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing, crimes against humanity), besides theory of natural rights, the universality of human rights and of Regionalism as well.
This paper examines the case of genocide in Cambodia under the Khmer Rouge regime (1975-1979) and crimes against humanity in East Timor (1999), the resolution of both cases was resolved differently. Cambodia resolved it in judicial terms (the Khmer Rouge Tribunal), while Indonesia and Timor Leste overcame it in non-judicial terms (Commision of Truth and Friendship).

Topic: Democracy, conflict, and political violence

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=165


Social solidarity among Muslim and Christian in the Post Conflict North Maluku
Muhammad Guntur Alting



Indonesia’s early reformation has witnessed a number of social conflicts or even religious conflicts in some areas such as Maluku and North Maluku that has been analyzed by scholars. But most of the conflicts have been successfully resolved. This paper is generally dealt with social solidariy among Muslim and Christian groups in North Maluku after 1999s conflict. In particular it aims to explain factors contributing to the social solidariy among the two religious groups. This study utilizes the famous Durkheim’s social solidarity theory combined with Gordon’s assimilation theory on majority-minority relations. This study uses qualitative method with the technique of interview and observation in Muslim and Christian communities in North Halmahera, North Maluku. Based on the study, this paper finds that after the blody conflict in 1999 both religious groups tend to have strong social solidarity. The paper also uncovers five interrelated factors contributing to the social solidarity, namely traditional local culture known as Hibualamo, common language, kinship, the cooperation between community leaders from both religious groups, and the accommodation of minority group into the local political structure.

Topic: Democracy, conflict, and political violence

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=173


Tolerance in Democratic Indonesia: The Study of Post-Conflict Reconciliation of Shia in Sampang and Ahmadiyya in Mataram
Nostalgiawan Wahyudhi, MA

Faculty of Social and Political Science, UIN Syarif Hidayatulah Jakarta
Indonesian Institute of Science (LIPI), Jakarta


This study comparatively finds a potential pattern of post-conflict reconciliation to create social resilience in several religious minority conflicts in Indonesia. It primarily synthesizes three years of research project on social resilience in the case of displaced communities of Shia in Sidoarjo and Ahmadiyya in Mataram that have a susceptible social life in order to normalize their life socially, spiritually, and economically so that they have immunity to be resistant to further potential conflict. Our research finding will be used to examine the concept of ‘tolerance without liberalism’ addressed by Jeremy Menchik in analyzing the Indonesian Muslim’s implementation of tolerance facing plural society especially minority groups in democratic Indonesia. It is interesting to answer the questions: is the concept correctly illustrated religious minority conflicts of Shia and Ahmadiyya in Indonesia? Could the concept be a solutive pattern for creating post-conflict reconciliation of religious minorities in Indonesia?

Topic: Democracy, conflict, and political violence

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=174


Precarity, fractiousness of civil society and the retraction of the (sub) state: dynamics of a shrinking democratic space in the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao
Rufa Cagoco-Guiam

(Retired) Full Professor III, Sociology Department
College of Social Sciences and Humanities, Mindanao State University – General Santos City, Philippines


Martial Law has been in place in the entire Mindanao, Philippines, for the last two months as of this writing. Different civil society groups and individuals have reacted in various ways. The range of reactions manifests disparate and divisive stands in responding to the intensive state of war in the city of Marawi, the capital of Lanao del Sur, one of the provinces of the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao. Martial Law mechanisms are also in place in all parts of the region, most especially in its five provinces and one city, with some cities barring the entry of citizens who do not have identification cards with them. In Marawi, where the intense war against a terrorist group (Maute) believed to be associated with the Islamic State (ISIS), a huge swath of former trade and business centers and residences has been razed to the ground, after sustaining more than two months of aerial bombardment from Philippine military planes. In addition, several Meranaw families have reported having lost millions of cash, valuables and other property that they claimed to have been looted by elements of the Philippine military. Some civil society groups and individuals have articulated in both social and mainstream media that the “fall of Marawi” is largely attributable to the Meranaws’ (the natives of Lanao del Sur) apathy at addressing the terroristic threat brought by a Meranaw family. This view echoes the prevalent stand of the Philippine government, as articulated by President Rodrigo Duterte in many interviews and press briefings, that the Meranaws are generally to be blamed for whatever tragedy has befallen them. On the other hand, some civil society groups and individuals have issued strong and passionate remarks about how the government has reneged on its duties of protecting its citizens, and of having given up its integral socio-political role, thus making life for its citizens in the autonomous region more precarious than ever before. The state’s retraction of its basic duties, the divisive nature of civil society dynamics in the region, and the already precarious nature of the lives of the region’s residents are now interacting in confluence resulting to a fast shrinking democratic space not only in the ARMM but in the entire Mindanao as well.

Topic: Democracy, conflict, and political violence

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=175


The Dynamics of Local Population Interactions and Migrants In a Compound Society At Humboldt Bay District of South Jayapura Jayapura City of Papua Province
Dirk Veplun

Cenderawasih University


The title of the research it is the describes the social dynamics of multi-ethic community in social interaction between the local residents and the local migrants from the regency of Yapen Waropen, and the external migrants from Bugis, Makassar and Buton.
This main problem of the research is cooperation and competition. Cooperation indicated by friendship, mutual, visit, adaptation, whereas, social competition are indicated by social prejudice, social envy and given stereotype. The failure cooperation and unfair access to natural resources lead to conflict between multi-ethic community: between the local residents and the migrants. The conflict can cause inharmonious cooperation, laten conflict, danger as well as open conflict.
The method used in this research are the descriptive method, qualitative approach. Used descriptive method to depict human being group status on object, even class underway. The qualitative method put an emphasis, on the research procedures using qualitative data or information. Ethnography study to comprehend life of society pursuant to viewpoint society. Therefore, this research pushes the themselves as they express their viewpoint.
The result of the research shows that there is social partition between the local residents and migrants, like limitation mutuality visit and friendship and yielding limitation mutuality cooperation of cooperation between ethnic group. Difference skill in the activities of fishermen and merchants market to becoming migrants more domination in access natural resources generating opposition and competition between the local residents and migrants. The accumulation of these phenomena are social gap, decisive factor and they push the intensity of social conflict between the local residents and migrant and the Humboldt Bay, South Jayapura, Papua Province

Topic: Democracy, conflict, and political violence

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=176


Muslim Leadership and The Threats of Transnational Terrorism: Comparing Indonesia and Saudi Arabia
Badrus Sholeh, PhD

Center for the Middle East and Global Peace Studies, Department of International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University Jakarta


Indonesia and Saudi Arabia are two important Muslim countries which have taken strategic role in managing regional leadership in Southeast Asia and the Middle East respectively. They are leading regional diplomacy in maintaining stability, security and peace. Indonesia and Saudi Arabia are two of three Muslim countries joined G20. The third country is Turkey. Both countries actively involved in constructing regional organization, democratization and preventing the rise of transnational terrorism threats. Saudi Arabia is leading country of Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), political and economic alliances of six Gulf countries. In addition, Indonesia is very crucial leader in ASEAN and Asia Pacific region. Both countries are challenged by the rise of transnational terrorism threats. This paper examines the role of Indonesia and Saudi Arabia in regional leadership, and how they lead a regional cooperation on countering terrorism in each region. This paper is based on in-depth interviews to policy makers and civil society groups involving in international security and countering terrorism in Indonesia and Saudi Arabia.

Topic: Democracy, regionalism, and globalization

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=4


Globalization and Democracy: Challenges for Indonesia
Ignatius Ismanto



Indonesia has experienced dramatic structural economic and political changes following changing regional and global economy. A number of critical issues have encouraged the country in response to regional and global economic challenges: (i) economic crisis that hit Southeast Asian economies in 1997, and (ii) ASEAN leaders’ commitment to deepen their economic integration of ASEAN economy, via ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) and (iii) Indonesia’s leadership in ASEAN, especially in promoting regional economic forums that involve great powers in Asia, such as ASEAN-China Free Trade Area (ACFTA), ASEAN-Japan Comprehensive Economic Partnership, and ASEAN-India FTA. How the changing regional and global economy will bring political implication for one country is very complicated.
For Indonesia, economic crisis hit the country in 1997 was a blessing in disguise. Without economic crisis, it is quite difficult to bring dramatic social changes for the country, including the overthrown of authoritarian rule. Economic crisis has promoted economic liberalization and weakened the ideas of protectionist economic policy. Indonesia’s commitment in promoting economic liberalization has also encouraged the country to take an active role in promoting regional economic forums. Indonesia uses ASEAN as a collective bargaining in response to changing global economy. In this case, the establishment of AEC can be regarded as instrument for ASEAN in response to global economy. Unfortunately, commitment of Indonesia in promoting a deepening economic integration of ASEAN has not been supported by its domestic politics in promoting substantial democracy. Corruption has become a serious problem for the country in promoting democracy along with its commitment in response to globalization.

Topic: Democracy, regionalism, and globalization

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=9


Trade Agreement and Diplomacy between Tunisia and Indonesia
Akbar Azmi

Indonesia Muslim Crisis Center (IMC2) Fellow and Graduate of Department of International Relations, Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University Jakarta


Indonesia after two decades of reform develop its influence and power up to the Middle East, assisting and having a mutual partnership with some countries of the Middle East in economic and democratic transition, including Tunisia. Tunisia is one of the sub-Saharan countries affected by the Arab Spring from December 2010. Tunisia attempted to transform democratic transition by strengthening economy and development and initiated to make a partnership with Asian countries such as Indonesia in tourism and energy sectors. The Indonesian multi-national company has become a partner of the Tunisian government. The article will analyze how Indonesian companies can manage a diplomacy tool in making a mutual cooperation with the Tunisian government. It also answer the question of why Indonesia is the right partner of Tunisia after the restoration of Arab Spring. It will combine in-depth interviews to multinational companies in Indonesia which have taken an agreement with Tunisia, and Indonesian and Tunisian government report on economic partnership between two countries.

Topic: Democracy, regionalism, and globalization

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=12


GLOBAL MARITIME FULCRUM AND THE NEW EURASIA: Opportunity and Challenge for Indonesia
Sugiarto Pramono (a), Ahmad Syaifuddin Zuhri (b)

a. School of Political Science and Public Administration, Shandong University, 27 Shanda Nanlu, Jinan City, Shandong , P.R.China, 250100
b. Faculty of Social and Political Science, State Islamic University Jakarta, Jl. Kertamukti No. 5, Ciputat, Tangerang Selatan Indonesia


Since 1989 China economics rate growth is around 10 percent this situation make China need more energy and market. That become the main factors for China revival new Silk Path that technically through the One Belt One Road Policy (OBOR). With OBOR China drives the Rising of Eurasia and make this region become alternatives for US-Europe trade relations. On other hand Indonesia with Global Maritime Fulcrum in China perspectives specifically and Eurasia generally has very strategic geographical position for at least reinforce New Eurasia through sea line and as the Eurasia liaison with the world (mainly US, Japan and Australia that politically opposite with China interest). In this new global power structure as implications from the Rise of China, Indonesia has opportunity and challenge mainly as middle power. On one hand Indonesia find at least: (1) new market (Eurasia) with cheap access because the OBOR and GMA line; (2) push its economic growing as consequences of market expansion; (3) find its role as Sea Power so that push its bargaining position in international area; on other hand Indonesia also become (1) trade destinations from others countries mainly China easier; so that (2) dependence toward China politically. In this new world power structure Indonesia must has ability for stand on its position as state that has free active foreign policy. Indonesia should be (1) push productivity; (2) able to exploit Eurasias new market; (3) reinforce its position between two great power (China and US); and (4) create the Rise of Indonesia

Topic: Democracy, regionalism, and globalization

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=15


Indonesian diplomacy in the formation of ASEAN human rights mechanism of 2008-2012
Achmad Fanani Rosyidi

Researcher from SETARA Institute


This paper analyzes how Indonesias diplomacy in the formation of the Southeast of Asia Nation (ASEAN) human rights mechanism. The method used in this research is qualitative descriptive analytical, with literature techniques in the form of library research and interviews as data sources. This research is motivated that the condition of ASEAN region is dominated by authoritarian state. This condition affects the high level of human rights violations. For the sake of creating peace ASEAN countries established a regional human rights treaty and produced the ASEAN charter on 20 November 2007 which recommended the ASEAN human rights mechanism, which consisted of several human rights commissions in ASEAN. Indonesia as a democratic country and respect the value of human rights, has the potential to play the diplomacy of ASEAN human rights mechanism. This study monitors and analyzes from 2008-2012.

The theoretical framework used in this research is to use the concept of diplomacy, namely public diplomacy and multilateral diplomacy. Public diplomacy is a diplomatic activity providing space for nonstate actors. Multilateral diplomacy is the diplomacy between many countries that are generally conducted at the United Nations, intercontinental, regional and subregional organizations. Another concept employed is human rights, where international human rights norms are already listed in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

Indonesia plays a significant role in the diplomacy of strengthening ASEANs human rights mechanisms by utilizing multilateral diplomacy efforts and public diplomacy. Like being chair of ASEAN Commissioner of Intergovernmental Commission of Human Rights (AICHR), involving civil society in diplomacy, and utilizing ASEAN forums to talk about human rights.

Topic: Democracy, regionalism, and globalization

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=18


Existence of Alkhairaat on Central Sulawesi Politics: Opportunity of Alkhairat friendly political parties
Nurhidayat Mohammad Ishak and Agustiyara

Muhammadiyah University of Yogyakarta, Indonesia and Khonkaen University, Thailand


This article aims to examine the dynamics of political Islam especially the existence of Alkhairaat’s politic in Central Sulawesi. These analyzes that have taken place in an increasingly influence of Alkhairat as a great organization. The performance and organizational strength of Alkhairat friendly political parties, and predicts the likely future trajectory of political Islam in Central Sulawesi. In the election 2015, it shows that Alkhairaat discovered to support one candidate Governor of Central Sulawesi openly, with previously it never seen direct involvement on the political attention. It may interest are a significant determinant. However, these organizations were generally considered by politicians to gain the sympathy of the people. The emergence Muslim group has aroused an expansion political influence such attracted wide attention by the large Muslim population broadly refers to multiple ties and interactions linking people. Despite increasing acknowledgment, a wide variety of ‘translocal’ are challenging political imaginary of Muslim politics. Furthermore, it presents an analysis using theory of Patronage and Clientelism with used a qualitative research approach. Based on these findings, the research further discusses and applied opportunity of Alkhairat friendly political parties as well as the implications of the case study on this research.

Topic: Democracy, regionalism, and globalization

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=23


The Implications of Political Dynasty to the Corruption in Banten Province under the Leadership of Governor Ratu Atut Chosiyah
Agus Sutisna

Universitas Muhammadiyah Tangerang


Since the new paradigm of regional autonomy and the principle of decentralization has been practiced in the governance of governmental power in Indonesia almost two decades ago, the dynamics of local politics are marked by a paradox, namely political or kinship political dynasties in the midst of a continuous stream of participatory democracy. This practice is practiced by many regional heads in Indonesia; and one of the most phenomenal occurred in the province of Banten in the era of leadership of the Governor Ratu Chosiyah (2006-2013). Hypothetically, the practice of political dynasties not only can hinder the process of consolidation, institutionalization and development of democracy in the region, but also contribute significantly to the growing and spreading corruption practices in the region. This research was conducted to explore and understand how the dynastic politics influence the growth and development of corrupt practices in various lines of governance in the province of Banten. The study used a qualitative approach, with data collection methods combinative in the form of review of local government policy documents; interviews with competent sources; phenomenological tariffs on facts developed in the local governance arena; as well as a review of sources of information and / or news in the mass media. The results showed that the practice of political dynasty in Banten Province in the era of the leadership of the Governor Ratu Atut has fostered corruption practices in local governance.

Topic: Democracy, regionalism, and globalization

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=25


The Cultivation System of Baduy Community Based on Local Wisdom
Chandra Perwira Negara

School of Postgraduate Studies
Indonesia University of Education


Utilization of forest in the framework of fulfilling the needs of life has been found in many communities. Such utilization tends to exploit and harm the environment. In the Baduy community, forest utilization is managed by local wisdom that not only benefits welfare, but also environmental conservation. This study aims to describe and explain the local cultivation system of Baduy society based on local wisdom. This research uses qualitative approach with literature study method. Data collection techniques in this study through various sources of books, journals and previous research. The findings of this study conclude that (1) Baduy shifting cultivation system is influenced by pikukuh (rules) and buyut (taboo). (2) Local wisdom in the shifting cultivation system is in the division of land use zoning and cultivation activities. (3) Baduy cultivation system has implications for the conservation of natural environment.

Topic: Democracy, regionalism, and globalization

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=26


Regionalism after Brexit: Changed Perspectives and Trajectories in Europe and Asia?
Laura Allison-Reumann

EU Centre, Singapore


The United Kingdom’s (UK) decision to leave the European Union (EU) in June 2016 has raised questions about the triggers and potential of regional disintegration. Populism’s effect on integration, the chance of contagion with other member states following the UK’s path, and the future of the EU have all become topics of debate. Brexit has added a new perspective on the links between democracy, regionalism and globalisation that demands investigation. This paper examines how Brexit has and may influence the reputation and expectations of regionalism – comparing how it directly affects the EU and may have an impact on regionalism further afield in Asia. This comparative study reveals that there are overarching repercussions for regionalism generally, and implications specific for the EU and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). Subsequent European elections, polls on European politics and Southeast Asian contextual resilience suggest that Brexit is not a harbinger of regionalism’s demise, but it has brought to light important considerations for the EU and ASEAN to ensure their positive influence on citizens.

Topic: Democracy, regionalism, and globalization

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=41


Emil Radhiansyah and Rizki Hikmawan

International Relations Department of University of Paramadina
International Relations Department of University Pembangunan National "Veteran" Jakarta


Since the Reformation in 1998, many changes have been made to support the security sector reform in Indonesia. Interestingly, there is one issue that is part of the security agenda but does not change significant after the Reformation, namely national resilience. There are three concept of national resilience that formulated during the authoritarian New Order Regime. We argue that the concept of national resilience is no longer relevant to be implemented in the global environment today. The government needs to make a new definition of national resilience by not only focusing on domestic issues, but also international or regional issues which could have an impact on national security. Overall, this article discusses three main points: (i) the history of national resilience concept in Indonesia; (ii) the dynamics of international relations in the 21st century especially in Southeast Asia; (iii) redefinition of the concept of national resilience in the global age.
In order to answer the question we will try to analyze the problem using the constrructivist approach. The argument of constructivism that the world is constituted socially through intersubjective interaction, that ideational factor such as norms, identity and ideas generally central to the constitution and dynamics of world politic (McDonald, 2008:59-60). We also try to explain security approach through social construction.

Topic: Democracy, regionalism, and globalization

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=44


Democracy and Indonesias Foreign Policy in Southeast Asia after the Reformation
Ahmad Alfajri

Department of International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, UIN Jakarta


After two decades of reformation, Indonesia is claimed to be one of the biggest democratic states in the world. It is not a self-proclaim status, international community has acknowledged Indonesia as a full democratic state that can assume a role model for muslim countries around the world. Related to this, according to liberal perspective, state system has became a determinant factor for both domestic and international policy. In terms of domestic affairs, Indonesia has provided freedom of speech, free and fair elections, protection of human rights and so on. Those domestic policies affirm Indonesia’s status as a democratic state. Democratic values should also influence Indonesia’s foreign policy. Therefore, this writing would like to discuss the extent to which democratic values had become an important element in Indonesias foreign policy, especially in the Southeast Asia region, which has diverse political system. This is a qualitative research, using liberal perspective as the main theoretical framework. The initial hypothesis is that democratic values has become one of the considered factor but not dominate Indonesias foreign relations with others in Southeast Asia.

Topic: Democracy, regionalism, and globalization

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=52


Cosmopolitanism, Democracy and Ummah in Indonesia
Musa Maliki and Ahmad Alfajri

Charles Darwin University and Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University


Cosmopolitanism is an ideal goal of many contemporary International Relations theories. The main idea conveyed is that our moral obligations as human beings need not be limited by state’s boundaries or any other structures. We must live our duty as a human (men) without having to question the identity of the state (citizen). This research wants to discuss how the relationship between democracy and cosmopolitanism and ummah in Indonesia. Is democracy in Indonesia capable and has cultivated / facilitated the spirit of cosmopolitanism or vice versa. And whether the moral impulse is derived from a universal understanding of cosmopolitan or simply derived from the classical idea of the ummah. This is a qualitative research using a constructivism approach.

Topic: Democracy, regionalism, and globalization

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=54


Indonesia’s Role in Myanmar’s Democratic Transition
M. Adian Firnas

Departement of International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences UIN Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta
Student of Doctoral Programe at Departement of Political Science, UI


This paper aims to find out Indonesias role as one of the influential countries in ASEAN in Myanmar’s democratic transition. Since 1990, the country has become the world’s attention for the international isolation due to the sanctions imposed by the West because of the annulment of the 1990 election results by the military junta and human rights abuses against its people.

The political transformation in Indonesia in 1998 made Indonesia one of the largest democracies in the world. This position, of course, gives influence to the development of regional democracy, especially how Indonesia plays its role on this issue. For example is to implement the Bali Democracy Forum, which aims to strengthen democracy through discussions between countries.

Finally, the political transformation also took place in Myanmar. The country decided to make a political transition by conducting elections in 2010. This election was the first since 1990. Since then political openness has begun to be implemented in this country. Myanmar elected as Chair of ASEAN 2014 shows the seriousness of the country to make a political transition amid criticism that continues to be addressed to the country. Indonesia’s response to the transformation in Myanmar is by supporting Myanmars efforts to accelerate the process of reform and democratization.

Topic: Democracy, regionalism, and globalization

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=65


The U.S. – China’s ‘One China’ Policy and its Implications for Indonesia’s Political Dynamics and Foreign Policy
Nostalgiawan Wahyudhi and Winda Shabrina Adani

Indonesian Institute of Sciences, Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University Jakarta


The relations between The U.S. and China has always changed from time to time, depending on who runs the office. The relations that is well known as Sino-American is based on the principle of ‘One China’ policy. ‘One China’ policy between The U.S. and China can also affect other countries’ politics and decision making, one of the most important examples is Indonesia. There are two significant different periods in Indonesia’s presidency that was affected by Sino-American relation: Before reformation and after reformation. The complex relations among these three countries were because each president in two periods had different kind of closeness and favor toward The U.S. and China.

This paper aims to examine the implication of ‘One China’ policy between the U.S. and China for Indonesia’s political dynamics and foreign policy, especially in the period of before and after reformation by using the concept of national interest, foreign policy theory and international relations theory.

Topic: Democracy, regionalism, and globalization

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=83


Muhammad Ismail



Development in developing countries in general is undergoing a process of globalization. Globalization has brought social impacts in society, the positive impact of opening up the international labor market and encouraging the formation of world economic institutions composed of countries in the world IMF, WTO, APEC, NAFTA, AFTA, But apart from a myriad of advantages, it also has an unexpected effect. But the poverty and disappearance of the role of the state in every joint of peoples life and make this country as a permanent consumer of the companys world-class products, Multi National Corporations (MNC) which only maximize profit. Indonesia is part of the developing countries that are experiencing globalization to get the impact of globalization.

The conflicts over the 2010 Mbah Priok graveyard battle between Pelindo II as a state-owned company that has been cooperating with MNCs Hutchinson Port Holding and Mitsui & co., Ltd. (Mitsui) are dealing with local communities who want to maintain the values ​​that have been held . This conflict shows that global capitalism as a predator for other societies, in the conflict has been a victim of matrial and non matrial.

Sociologically the Government (State) and Pelindo II are "part of a society that has Power, force and also authority to allocate resources and facilities from social systems" (Conflict, 1992, Vol. 3 and 4, issue 10: 386). For the government in carrying out economic development in the era of the free market is hoping to get investors who want to cooperate, for that State relationship with koorporasi strongly linked for the safe process of economic production is done. The free market in developing countries based only on liberalism regardless of local values, the conflict between them has had a disastrous impact on the development process as it did in Tanjung Priok in 2010, the peaceful solution is the way to the full development of society.

Topic: Democracy, regionalism, and globalization

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=87


Critique to Liberal International on Post Conflict and Post War Democratic Transition: A Comparative Study
Raffaele Marchetti, Ada Peter, Badrus Sholeh, Rufa Cagoco-Guiam and Chester Cabalza

LUISS University Italy; Covenant University Nigeria, UIN Syarif Hidayatullah Indonesia, Mindanao State University the Philippines and University of the Philippines Diliman, the Philippines


Realists criticized how international coalition under NATO and international organizations used liberal international approach toward democratic transition of post conflict and post war regions. They failed to manage refugees of Syrian conflicts in Turkey and Europe. Moreover, managing democratic transition in Syria and Iraq. On the other hand, Indonesia and Southeast Asian regions successfully managed separatist conflicts quite peacefully from Free Aceh Movement in Indonesia to Morro Islamic Liberation Front in the Philippines. However, Ikenberry (2005) still believed that liberal international still relevant to democratization, opening economic and free market and interdependence to transform post war and post conflict regions toward prosperous and permanent peace. Mearsheimer considered the failure of liberal international projects in Iraq and Eastern Europe which made more chaos and conflicts to the regions. This article analyze the trends of post conflict and post war transitions of democracy and development in Africa, Middle East and Southeast Asia. This is based on fieldworks in conflict regions in Indonesia, the Philippines, Palestine and Nigeria. It argued regional organizations have to take stronger role in democratic and development transition involving former commanders and leaders of conflicting parties supported and monitored closely by international community.

Topic: Democracy, regionalism, and globalization

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=95


Sending the Message of Peace: Analysing World Views on Islam through International Relations Perspectives
Yasmi Adriansyah

Department of International Relations
University of Al Azhar Indonesia (UAI)


The phenomena of suicide bombings have taken place in many parts of the world and tends to generate a single message that accusations go to Muslims. The perpetrators are labelled as, among others, terrorists, extremists, and fundamentalists. Islam is then viewed as the religion of war. Nonetheless, there is also a view emphasizing that Islam is a religion of peace. These contrasting views will arguably keep continuing on international public discourse in the next few decades. For International Relations specialists, these differences are somewhat similar to the opposing stands between two major approaches in the theories within this field: Realism and Liberalism. When the former argues that states never trust one another and are prepared to wage war, the later holds the view that states can make cooperation and tend to pursue peace as a common interest. This article will examine the world views on Islam using these two IR perspectives.

Topic: Democracy, regionalism, and globalization

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=139


Abd Ala, Ahmad Fathan Aniq, Nur Hidayat Wakhid Udin, Mukhammad Zamzami

UIN Sunan Ampel Surabaya


Topic: Democracy, regionalism, and globalization

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=147


Ayob Mohsin, Dr. Ada peter, Mr. Ebrima Jatta

UIN syarif Hidayatullah, Jakarta
Covenant University Nigeria


Topic: Democracy, regionalism, and globalization

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=149


Yusron Razak, Ilham Mundzir, Izza Rohman, and Ervan Nurtawab

State Islamic University (UIN) Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta


This article deals with commercial orientations that have emerged in the so-called “da‘watainment” broadcasted on television It has been accepted that the mainstream media such a television plays a pivotal role in mainstreaming public opinion. In this study. therefore. we state that a da‘watainment producer predominantly determines the agenda setting in the ways in which the audiences would regard two broadcaster! displays. Le. a da‘wa content and commercial displays, as having the same important values. What the preacher displays during their performance is greatly under the producer setting and is to be socially and commercially acceptable.

In our participatory research in Live Program Damai lndonesiaku (DI), we find that both a dakwah content and a product sale indicate a mutual relationship in the ways in which the broadcasted program reflects a contestation between a commercial-oriented media and selected preachers to speak for lslam. The media is the field where religious authority the been challenged in the way that an lslamic preacher is increasingly bound to conform with the market logic. In other words, a block of the DI program has been equally shared as the religious gathering and at the same time market for product sales.

Topic: Democracy, regionalism, and globalization

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=156


Trans Pacific Partnership and China’s Involvement: How Can Indonesia Take both Benefits of the world?

UIN Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta / Zhejiang University, China


The involvement of China in Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement has brought a new chapter for this agreement. China seems to overtake the US position after the country dropped from the partnership. Indonesia’s position is considerably important in both the partnership and China. This is because Indonesia lies in the strategic geographical area in Asia Pacific and also for Maritime Silk Road initiative. Therefore, this is questioning that how can Indonesia take advantageous from both Trans-Pacific Partnership and the relations with China. This paper seeks to unearth the potency from Indonesia to take benefits from Trans Pacific Partnership and the involvement of China in the framework. This paper examines three sectors: economics, politics, and socio-culture to get more comprehensive views on how are the benefits grabbed to Indonesia. Moreover, this study also considers challenges which may appear from taking both benefits from both China and Trans-Pacific Partnership. The domestic condition in Indonesia and the perception of Indonesian society are also considered in examining those advantages.

Topic: Democracy, regionalism, and globalization

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=162


Relation of Powers: Managing BUMDes for Rural Development
Eko Wahyono(*), Amril Hans(**), Ikma Citra Ranteallo(*)

(*) Institut Pertanian Bogor
(**) Universitas Hasanuddin


BUMDEs as a manifestation of the populist economy has shifted the paradigm pendulum from the village as the subject of development into a village as an object of development. This is a form of the principle of recognition where the village is able to be independent as a self governing community as a governmental society. BUMDes position is very strategic considering the number of which spread all over the country. The real sector becomes the main basic implementation of this program, as it moves on micro, small and medium enterprises. At this point the presence of BUMDes is the embodiment of Pancasila and populist economy. Villagers and village governments are required to set goals and manage self-sufficiency and direct village development objectives. It 6 provides a space in the principle of subsidiarity, namely the limitation of the authority of the central authority (supra desa government) as well as providing a space for lower levels of society to decide the policy and use its authority by standing with its own feet in dealing with the problems of the village scale. BUMDes is the spearhead in playing its role in efforts to improve the economy and village autonomy. The sociological aspect that can be seen in this case is about power relations between BUM Desa, Pranata in Desa and Supra Desa. Even though the Village Act applies, it does not automatically eliminate the roles and authority of the provincial government, the kabupatan / town over the village. In this case the supradesa government still has and still plays its role in rural development. The power relation of the village to the village supra could strengthen and support the village development or inhibit the village autonomy through the BUM Desa. This relation can be examined using the Foucault power approach, in which power is distributed in social relations and can not be reduced to centralized forms and determinants.

Topic: Democracy, regionalism, and globalization

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=170


Ade Lina Sugiarti

Universitas Pendidikan Indonesia


This research is motivated by the construction of dam in the district of Jatigedewhich led to the loss of agricultural land and housing so that the farming community must find a new job.The problem of this study is how the relationship between the construction of dam with the socio-economic conditions of the farmers in the Jatigede District.The purpose of this study to determine how the relationship of the Jatigede dam construction towards socio-economic conditions of the farmers in the Jatigede District.This research is a quantitative research using questionnaires as instrument and tested by using product moment formula.The findings of this research show: The Jatigede dam construction has a relationship with socio-economic conditions of farming communities.

Topic: Development, inequality, and democracy

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=5


Challenges facing the multi-stakeholder partnerships in implementing SDG’s goal: poverty reduction in Indonesia
Roy Andy Panjaitan, S.E., MBA

Pelita Harapan University (UPH Karawaci)


Despite of having a significant achievement in reducing the extreme poverty level before the year of 2015, there are many things yet to be done in Indonesia in order to reach the number one goal of SDGs, ending poverty in all of its manifestations, including extreme poverty by 2030. Due to the comprehensive nature and ambitious goals of the SDGs, strong commitment from all relevant stakeholders to cooperate together in a multi-stakeholder partnerships setting in achieving the goals is indeed very crucial. Multi-stakeholder partnership approach in reducing poverty matters since each stakeholders will bring each of their own core competence, unique knowledge and skills, assets and resources, as well as wealth of experiences in dealing with poverty issues, and as a result, there will be synergies developed to co-create innovative solutions to tackle poverty issues more effectively that none of the stakeholders could have developed on its own. Nevertheless, from the multiple in-depth interviews held with each respective stakeholders involved in the SDGs poverty reduction initiatives there are still several challenges facing the partnership that are needed to be solved, such as: coordination difficulties among several stakeholders, compartmentalized or ‘silo’ approaches in solving poverty issues, different perceptions in understanding the goals, and other communication issues. Therefore, several solutions recommended to solve these issues are: intensifying the communication efforts with all respective stakeholders in order to build consensus, trust and mutual understanding, engaging more stakeholders, and looking for more innovative approaches in ensuring development financing participation coming from the private sector.

Key Words: [Poverty, Post-2015, SDGs, Stakeholders, Partnership]

Topic: Development, inequality, and democracy

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=16


David Rizaldy and Danang Junior Trimasukmana

Universitas Negeri Semarang


The democratitation is a process in a country to shape the democracy, who are the country system is the top of souvereignity on community, and for community. Democracy in a system had been made an alternative way in the principle of government and give the gravity for mass media to do their functions in press. The system of a country who has a democracy is the freedom of mass media’s act (Huntington : 2008). The development of mass media in Indonesia also has an increasing in Reformation era on 1997-1998. That developing cannot be separated from political system changing in a country. Mass media with democracy principe can control and guard the government.

Topic: Development, inequality, and democracy

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=21


Democracy and Development at the Local Level: Synergy of Local Boss, Entrepreneur and Bandit in North Kolaka
Eka Suaib dan La Husen Zuada

Departemen Political Science,
Faculty of Social and Political Science,
Universitas Halu Oleo.


This article reviews the implementation of democracy and development in North Kolaka which combines three political forces: local boss (regent), businessmen (contractors) and bandits (robbers). The synergy of three local political forces controlled by the head of region was able to change the face of North Kolaka from underdeveloped to developed region in Southeast Sulawesi. Local elections have an impact on economic development in North Kolaka. This portrait appears in the availability of infrastructure that is able to stimulate the economic society. The flow of goods, services and people coming in and out of North Kolaka more smoothly along with able to control the security stability, formerly as the place of operation of the robbers (bandits). The absence of bandits coincided with the inclusion of their family members as part of elected government that succeeded in occupying important positions as vice regents. In addition to bandits, entrepreneurs play a significant role in democracy and development in North Kolaka. In the democracy arena, entrepreneurs are elected as party leaders at the local level as well as directly involved�fighting�or indirect�budgetary suppliers�in the struggle for political power�executive and legislative�at the local level. In the provision of infrastructure, entrepreneurs-who are party leaders and have relations with regional heads (Rusda Mahmud) -are winning contracts for the work of development projects in North Kolaka. The execution of government projects is very stretching and grandiose, but also the terms of collusion and nepotism. This paper concludes that democracy has a positive impact on economic development and security stability in North Kolaka, although it does not automatically lead to a clean government.

Topic: Development, inequality, and democracy

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=31


Female Infanticide: The Reality of Masculine Law Construction
Agustin Dea Prameswari

Criminology, University of Indonesia


The social phenomenon of women who conducted infanticide in Indonesia shows that law construction in Indonesia has seen women offenders of infanticide as harmful individuals because they intend to kill their own babies, without seeing them as victims of gender injustice. The biological condition of women in fact is different from men, which can enable women to experience unwanted pregnancies, but social constructions never seen that as a special need for women to obtain protection and empowerment. Unconsciously, the knowledge of sexuality taboo for women and unwanted pregnancies experienced by women can force women to commit infanticide because of their inability to deal with immense social pressures. The series of suffering experienced by women as a result of gender inequality within the patriarchal society should be given special attention because gender inequality has been the root of the phenomenon of infanticide in Indonesia. Through my research I will show women voice narratives who are forced to commit infanticide because of the social pressure they can not face alone. Womens narratives in the infanticide case is one of the advocacy forms I can currently do in empowering women in Indonesia, by criticizing law construction which in fact is still masculine by not considering the life of women as individuals.

Topic: Development, inequality, and democracy

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=35


Questioning the Sustainability in Development: The Resilience of Local Variety of Rice in the Changing Dayak Community of Central Kalimantan, Indonesia
Dr. Semiarto Aji Purwanto, Sutji Shinto

University of Indonesia


Over a quarter century, the idea of sustainable development has become a global discussion. In Indonesia, more than five decades since the development of the country took priority over any other matter, a discussion on the need of development is still an intriguing. Far from the enthusiasm of development programs run by the Indonesian government since 1967, the Dayak community in the interior of Kalimantan tropical forest was significantly abandoned from the changes. There were not many programs for the interior because the focus of development mostly was in Java island. Consequently, the Dayak live their life as shifting cultivator that has been practiced for centuries. Our ethnographic observation conducted in April-July 2016, found that today, they still maintain the knowledge and keeping the existence of local variety of rice. While in Java, these varieties have been replaced by more-productive-and-resistant-to-pest varieties, the Dayak still maintain more than 60s varieties. From the biodiversity’s perspective, it is a delightful news; while from the cultural perspective, the persistence of their custom regarding to the practice of traditional cultivation is fascinating as well. The local knowledge of agriculture is well conserved and practice daily. It is revealed that the resilience of those rice varieties is related to the local social structure since the distribution of each variety usually limited to the particular clans in the community. While experiencing the lack of programs for village development, the community has maintained the local leadership and its government structure at the village level. The paper will explore the effect of how a neglected area, which was disregarded by development program, sustains their culture and biodiversity. We would like to discuss the concept of sustainability whether it needed for the development programs, for the changes into a modern civilisation, or for the sake of the local to survive.

Topic: Development, inequality, and democracy

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=38


Old house, new meaning: The change and persistence of ume kbubu in Oinlasi, South Amanatun, East Nusa Tenggara
Semiarto Aji Purwanto and Indraini Hapsari

Universitas Indonesia


Some societies in the region of South-East Asia Pacific today still maintain a distinctively Austronesian perspective with regard to the land and territory (Reuter 2006). This distinctiveness refers to the unique relation of land and territory as a result of the encounter of the traditional system and the system of administrative of a modern nation-state. People now also consider that the effect of globalization strengthened this relation. Furthermore, it is often said by the social and cultural scientists that the encounter between those systems ended up with dichotomy of the indigenous or local knowledge versus modern, scientific, or Western knowledge.

The state plays an important role in actively transforming the communities to a condition that they imagined as developed or modern. Meanwhile, at the micro level, we notice that the changes are in fact occurred but at the same time some persistence also took place. Our short ethnographic observation among the Dawan at the village of Oinlasi, South Amanatun, in the province of East Nusa Tenggara revealed the dynamics of ume kbubu, the traditional house of the Timorese. Both structurally and functionally, the ume kbubu has experienced some changes as the consequence of the introduction of healthful housing program commenced by the Ministry of Health some fifty years ago. We examined that this program, along with other development packages, have changed the traditional life of the communities there; however we also witnessed that the communities were actually reconfiguring their local knowledge as a response to the changes. Hence, today we may discover that ume kbubu and other related local institutions are easily found in the Timorese villages in South Amanatun. These traditional houses are in some cases built with modern materials, equipped with electricity, and used only as a kitchen while the family live in a modern-healthful housing nearby. We therefore would like to argue that the communities experienced changes caused by the new ideas from the state and market, and simultaneously configuring their local knowledge. The ume kbubu as we seen today then is neither traditional or modern house but a hybrid configuration of knowledge.

Topic: Development, inequality, and democracy

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=40


Redistribution of Urban Development (Case Study Development of Slum Areas of Kampung Warna-Warni Jodipan and Kampung Tridi, Malang City)
Juwita Hayyuning Prastiwi and Faqih Alfian

Brawijaya University


The existence of slum areas bring out distinctive and complex issues. The upstream of slum areas problem such as social, economic, and cultural, often start from inequality access within development processes and its outcomes. Whereas housing areas is an inherent part in urban development, as factor that affects the quality life of society.
In its progress, the way to overcome the slum areas problem is run into a paradigm shift, from evictions turned into regional arrangement concept. This concept is in line with central government policy which put the option of "rehousing/resettlement" as the last option after restoration and rejuvenation.
In Malang city, there are two slum areas that have been organized since 2016 and developed into tourism sites namely Kampung Warna-Warni Jodipan (KWJ) and Kampung Tridi. Although the arrangement of these two areas was originally initiated by the society and the private sector, but in its progress the government also contibuted in the sustainability and to improve the quality of tourism sites in both areas. In addition to inaugurated by the Mayor of Malang city, currently the municipal government has planned to build a glass bridge that will connecting these two areas.
The involvement of the municipal government in the development of two areas raises big questions, besides it is located on the banks of the river, these two areas also stand on disputed land. Here is the urgency of this research, how the arrangement of the areas jointly undertaken by the government, the public and the private sector but in fact has not yet touched the fundamental issue, and therefore can not fulfill seven indicators of the feasibility housing areas based on United Nation General Comment number 4 of 1997, regarding decent housing especially in points of law protection and livable housing.

Topic: Development, inequality, and democracy

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=56


Ridan Muhtadi, Bahrina Almas, Moh Arifin, Safarinda Imani

Program Studi Magister Sains Ekonomi Islam, Universitas Airlangga


The dimension of social capital is bound by a growing and abiding value and norm, as well as the structure of social relations and social networks within a society to create social obligations, create a climate of trust, carry information channels, establish social norms and sanctions to members of that society . Sharia Micro Finance Institution as a special institution established to provide business development services and community empowerment either through loans or financing in micro-scale enterprises to members and communities. In Sharia Micro Finance Institution the role of social capital is needed with the aim of empowering the community one of them the development of SMEs. Optimizing Sharia Micro Finance Institution requires synergy between government, community and stakeholder of Sharia Micro Financing Institution. The purpose of this study is to provide constructive solutions in empowering the community through social capital as a mediator in optimizing Sharia Micro Financial Institutions. The research method used in this research is qualitative method with descriptive approach. The results of this study indicate that social capital has a very significant role in optimizing Sharia Micro Finance Institutions to empower the community. With trust, norms (shared value) and social network (social network). The values of social capital become supporting indicators in community empowerment through Sharia Micro Finance Institution to create balance in community empowerment.

Topic: Development, inequality, and democracy

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=135


Rahmad Hidayat

STISIP Mbojo Bima


This article deals with an irony of village democratization in the form of the pseudo-politicization of public space based on the context of the implementation of Village Law in Bajo Village (Soromandi Sub-district in Bima District). It argues that the establishment of open village governance as mandated by the Village Law is still "left behind" because the full involvement of villagers in the development planning, budgeting and implementation remains positioned as "meaningless discourse" by the influential elites. As a constitutional imperative, involving community in regular meetings has never been adequately applied by those who feel very upset about the threat of power reduction when the portion of village governance should be dispersed to public. Elites do not fully open the tap of community involvement in the development planning forums and citizen participation is often being restricted because the determination of priority programs is absolutely in the elites hands. Will the implementation of the Village Law provide more benefits for non-elites? is a question which marks the pessimism of some people regarding the significance of it for improving the welfare of marginalized groups in the village when the pseudo politicization of public space, as the old pattern of derogatory management of public affairs, still remains entrenched in the village administration in the post-Soeharto era. My effort in finding out some explanations about this topic will be guided by a question: How does and to what extent the pseudo politicization of public space take place in the governance of Bajo Village?

Topic: Development, inequality, and democracy

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=72


Indonesian Labor Marginalization: A Case Study on Street Vendors in Simpang Dago Market
Randi, Yogi Suprayogi

Universitas Padjadjaran


Construction in Indonesia, indirectly, influences the pattern of survival of medium to lower community by taking various kinds of jobs. Based on the data of Poverty Line in Provinces (rupiah/capita/month), BPS of West Java in cities is 325.017 while in villages is 324.937. Besides, the Index of Poverty Severity (PS) According to Province in 2016, West Java is 0.37. From those data, the poverty in West Java Province is massive enough to cause problem to the local government in increasing the province’s income per capita. While the focus of the study is how marginalization of the Indonesian labor takes place in Dago Market, especially the marginalization of street vendors (SVs). Sometimes, SVs are considered having poor trading system so the existence in the society remains marginalized. Street Vendor is a part of process system where it is personally owned and taking space without legal permit. In order to elaborate about it, the researcher employs qualitative analysis method with data presentation in descriptive way, library study.

Topic: Development, inequality, and democracy

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=73


Fahmi Imam Fauzy

University of Indonesia


This research focuses on analyzing the responses of Indonesian on human right violations against Indonesian migrant workers (IMW) in Hong Kong in 2011-2013. Indonesian migrant workers have been formally placed in Hong Kong since 1990. Then, Hong Kong is one of destinations country of Indonesian migrant workers nowadays.

However, many human right violations were often occured the workers such as early termination of employment, cut off communication, works inconsistence with employment contract, excessive deduction of salary, unpaid wage, torture, and extorting. Even though Hong Kong have manpower law on foreign domestic workers, the human right violation still exists. Besides, the total number of violation against Indonesian migrant workers always increase during 2011 – 2013. More over to analyzing the issues, this research uses the Multy-track Diplomacy and the concept of Human Right thought qualitative research method.

This research argues that there are several responses from Indonesian government, non-governmental organization (NGO) and media toward the issues. The responses emerge in order to maximize the protection for every Indonesian migrant workers in Hong Kong.

Topic: Development, inequality, and democracy

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=77


Socio-economic of migrant Worker in Kuala Lumpur
Randi, Fadhil Nurdin, Aini

Universitas Padjadjaran


Population of Indonesia a great many problems that come up, start the migration, unemployment and social inequalities. Socio-economic conditions are still on the marginal population, demanded Indonesia to work hard and encourage the population to mobilize at the level of regional, national and international. Indonesia is the country with the largest labor senders in Southeast Asia. Based on the data of the Ministry of manpower and transmigration, in 2006 there were 2.7 million people of Indonesia who work abroad are recorded officially or legally, which occupies about 2.8 percent of the total labor force in Indonesia. The last data Sakertnas 2016 shows unemployment is open according to the highest education that sanctioned amounted to 7,024,172 people. This research focus on, analyzing how the socio-economic conditions of migrant worker in Kuala Lumpur. Conditions of unskilled, unpermit, unsecure migrant workers interesting writers to do research. Based on the results of the study of literature, migration can change the paradigm of social economic migrant workers. The researcher involves qualitative approach to explain that. The required data in the study is the objective condition. The data presentation of the data is in descriptive qualitative way and honest as it is as happens in reality.

Topic: Development, inequality, and democracy

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=89


Social Development in the Urban Informal Sector ; Study on Street Vendors in Pasar Minggu Jakarta
Cucu Nurhayati

FISIP UIN Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta


Economic development to the exclusion of the quality of human development has resulted in social inequality . the concept of social development is development that is societal and holistic aims to improve the quality of life . This dissertation aims to illustrate the concept of social development based on the structure, culture and social processes of the vendors in Pasar Minggu Jakarta in order to create a society that is inclusive of street vendors in the urban context . This study uses qualitative and quantitative research methods to facilitate making the level of social development as well as to understand the meaning of the reality of street vendors. These results indicate the development of a social structure which includes the structural setting and structural instruments in the construction of street vendors can not be realized in the form of concrete policies to improve the quality of life of street vendors . Development of social culture quantitatively showed good results with reference to the Jakarta mission as "People of all cultures " that with the change in behavior of the satpol PP and government officials are more polite and persuasive. Development of social processes through interaction, communication established between the government of Jakarta, UPB. Pasar Minggu and street vendors have not been established to the fullest . It can be concluded that that the social development in the structuring and relocation of street vendors in Pasar Minggu Jakarta is still in the stages of the process towards inclusive development .

Topic: Development, inequality, and democracy

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=97


The Survival of Embroidery Economics Industry in Tasikmalaya: Moral Ethics Study of Islamic and Sundanese Economics.
Joharotul Jamilah



This research will examine of how an embroidery enterpreneurs community is formed, developed, and then may become a new elite social class in the midst of agrarian society. This community is able to survive and exist in the storm of monetary crisis around 1997/1998 and in global crisis around 2008, as well as in global economics competition which almost destroyed the economy of Indonesia. Embroidery industry as a rural industry comes as the resolution of rural economics crisis as a result of the narrowing of rural agricultural land, global political economics crisis, also the hybridity of rural economics culture, between Eastern and Western economic ethics. In this study, the formation of local economy will be limited on the emergence and the social sustainabilty of the embroidery enterpreuner class. While the economic ethics refers to how the values which is become the guidence for the embroidery enterpreuners in their economic actions, so that they can survive in the competition with other enterpreuners from both of regional and global level. This economic ethics is a collaboration of traditional Sundanese values (Sundanese economic ethics), Islamic values (Islamic economic ethics), and modern economic ethics (Capitalist).

Topic: Development, inequality, and democracy

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=100


Inclusive Development in Health Sector: Case in Solo City
Syarfina Mahya Nadila

Research Centre for Society and Culture
Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI)


Everyone guaranteed their rights in law. It includes the right to access health services for the rich and the poor. However, in reality, health services are difficult to access for the poor. The main causes are: high cost, limited health workers, limited infrastructure, and lack of adequate hospital services. This writing is based on a research about inclusive development in health sector, particularly for the poor in Surakarta (Solo) City in Central Java Indonesia. The purpose of this research is to understand the implementation of health policy, which provides easy access for the poor to health services as a form of inclusivity in the development of Solo city. This research used qualitative approach with in depth interview data collection technique. One of the findings of the research is that, Public Health Care Program in Solo as one policy enacted by the Municipal Government gives better access for the poor by providing a quick and cheap health services. This policy can be successful because the Surakarta governments political will to make better health services. However, this policy cannot cover all the poor in Solo city. Challenges include the complicated procedures that limits health service’s accessibility to the remaining poor in Solo.

Topic: Development, inequality, and democracy

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=101


Health Rights in Indonesia Post Two Decades of Reformation
Riana Mardila

Department of International Relations
FISIP UIN Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta


My research aims to discover the development of health rights in Indonesia after twenty years of reformation. I will conduct this research qualitatively using study of literature. In this paper, first, I will explore how the human rights evolve in Indonesia since the reformation. I believe that this evolution that is influenced by globalization leads to the acknowledgment of health rights in Indonesia in particular. Second, I will explain my argumentation that health rights in Indonesia has developedgradually - well since the reformation. I will use the Liberalism theory to support my argument. In conclusion, I conclude that after reformation, Indonesia has strengthened its democracy one of many ways through its acknowledgement, fulfillment, and protection of health rights. Nevertheless, I also believe that the fulfillment and protection of health rights should be continuously promoted as their implementation has not been perfect

Topic: Development, inequality, and democracy

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=109


Dika Supyandi, Eliana Wulandari, Iwan Setiawan

Department of Social Economics of Agriculture, Universitas Padjadjaran, Indonesia


Development is a “founding belief” of the modern world. It is one of the most popular buzz words in the human civilization. However, it has no exact meaning of development, no generally accepted definition. Development is “user-friendly”, it means whatever one wants or needs it to mean. Similarly, development theories are also different, which depend on their “political positions”, their “philosophical origins”, “place and time of construction”, and their “scientific orientation”. One of the most well-known theories in development theories is modernization theory. It is the “dominant philosophy” and “mainstream school of scholarship” in social science. It discusses economic, social and political development issues in the developed and the Third World countries. It shaped strategy of many countries in designing their development planning. It also became the dominant paradigm for many years, even until present. However, many critiques have been faced by this popular theory, logically and practically. Rural life has also been the area of this development paradigm for years. From “purely” top down to “faithful” participatory approaches have been implied in the area. This paper will critically review modernization theories’ point of view in conceptualizing development and reflect rural Indonesian life in accordance with this development philosophy. Moreover, this paper will concisely describe a reflection regarding this development model in terms of understanding and interpreting development.

Topic: Development, inequality, and democracy

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=117


Fiscal Policy and Disparities in Indonesia
Dita Nurul Aini, SE., ME

Brawijaya University
Nasional University


Indonesia is country that have great population in the world. In 2015 population of Indonesia was projected more than 255 million people. Liberalization that happening today have a big effect to disparities in Indonesia. Disparities is still be the major of development issues. Gini Ratio of Indonesia reach to 0,4 in 2015, this number is the great number in the late 10 years. Indonesia development just focus in urban area and Java Island. Many areas outside of Java have a lot potential to be developed. On the other hand, Indonesia fiscal policy through government expenditure continues to increase in number. Disparities is the challenge of economy and political must be reduce by the government and public in Indonesia. This study aims to find the relationship between fiscal policy to disparities in Indonesia between East Regional Indonesia (KTI) and West Regional Indonesia (KBI). Research method used is qualitative approach through comparative analysis. Explore about fourth sector, there are infrastructure, human quality towards education grade, poverty, and asset in each regional. This study also analysis about law and its technical regulations about fiscal policy for disparities. How law and its technical regulation of fiscal policy reduce disparities in Indonesia. The results show that fiscal policy does very little to reduce disparities in Indonesia. Transfer fund, law and technical regulations of fiscal policy is not evenly distributed. Tax revenues is still low and regressive that give bad effect to Indonesia development. Increase of Infrastructure budgeting and subsidies not reduce the Indonesia disparities yet.

Topic: Development, inequality, and democracy

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=119


Environmental perception in Indonesia: A Preliminary findings
Husnul Khitam

Department of Sociology, Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University Jakarta


Environmental issue has risen in the last few years and affecting many sectors. In the more fundamental way, it influences the development of the economy and also the future of social life. Scholars debate focuses on macro such as the effect of democracy or any political regime on environmental degradation (Li and Reuveny 2006) and also the relations of corruption, democracy and environmental degradation (Pellegrini and Gerlagh 2006) or on micro level such as people perception on environment in the worldwide (Dunlap and York 2008). How about Indonesia? Since the Reformation era, Indonesian people have expressed their thought on social, political and religious issues but rarely on environmental issues. This research is an exertion to dismantle the perception of the environment in Indonesia and it�s sociological implication by using data from World Values Survey wave 5.

Topic: Development, inequality, and democracy

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=120


Old house, new meaning: The change and persistence of ume kbubu in Oinlasi, South Amanatun, East Nusa Tenggara
Indraini Hapsari & Semiarto A. Purwanto

Department of Anthropology
Faculty of Social and Political Sciences
University of Indonesia


Some societies in the region of South-East Asia Pacific still maintain a distinctively Austronesian perspective with regard to land and territory (Reuter 2006). This distinctiveness refers to the unique relation of land and territory as a result of the encounter of traditional system and administrative system of a modern nation-state. People now also consider that the effect of globalization strengthened this relation. Furthermore, it is often said by the social and cultural scientists that the encounter between those systems ended up with dichotomy of the indigenous or local knowledge versus modern, scientific, or Western knowledge.
The state plays an important role in actively transforming the communities to a condition that they imagined as developed or modern. Meanwhile, at the micro level, we notice that the changes are in fact occurred but at the same time some persistence also took place. Our short ethnographic observation among the Dawan at the village of Oinlasi, South Amanatun, in the province of East Nusa Tenggara revealed the dynamics of ume kbubu, the traditional house of the Timorese. The ume kbubu has experienced some changes as consequence of the introduction of healthful housing program commenced by the Ministry of Health some fifty years ago. We examined that this program, along with other development packages, have changed the traditional life of the communities there; however we also witnessed that communities were actually reconfiguring their local knowledge as response to the changes. Hence, we may discover recently that ume kbubu and other related local institutions can easily be found in the Timorese villages in South Amanatun. These traditional houses are in some cases built with modern materials, equipped with electricity, and used only as a kitchen while the family live in a modern-healthful housing nearby. We conclude that the communities experienced changes caused by the new ideas from the state and market, and simultaneously configuring their local knowledge. The ume kbubu as we seen today then is neither traditional or modern house but a hybrid configuration of knowledge.

Topic: Development, inequality, and democracy

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=124


Questioning the Sustainability in Development. The Reselience of Local Variety of Rice in the Changing Dayak Community of Central Kalimantan, Indonesia
S.A. Purwanto & S. Shinto

Department of Antrhopology
University of Indonesia


Over a quarter century the idea of sustainable development has became global discussion. In Indonesia, more than five decades since the development of the country took priority over any other matter, a discussion on the need of development is still an intriguing. Far from the enthusiasm of development programs run by the Indonesian government since 1967, the Dayak community in the interior of Kalimantan tropical forest was significantly abandoned from the changes. There were not much programs for the interior because the focus of development mostly was in Java island. Consequently the Dayak live their life as shifting cultivator that has been practiced for centuries.

Our ethnographic observation conducted in April-July 2016, found that today they still maintain the knowledge and keeping the existence of local variety of rice. While in Java, these varieties have been replaced by a more-productive-and-resistant-to-pest varieties, the Dayak still maintain more than 60s varieties. From the biodiversity’s perspective, it is a delightful news; while from the cultural perspective, the persistence of their custom regarding to the practice of traditional cultivation is fascinating as well. The local knowledge on agriculture is well conserved and practice daily. It is revealed that the resilience of those rice varieties is related to the local social structure since the distribution of each variety usually limited to the particular clans in the community. While experiencing the lack of programs for village development, the community has maintained the local leadership and its government structure at the village level.

The paper will explore the effect of how a neglected area, which was disregarded by development program, sustains their culture and biodiversity. We would like to discuss the concept of sustainability whether it needed for the development programs, for the changes into a modern civilization, or for the sake of the local to survive.

Topic: Development, inequality, and democracy

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=126


Textual Analysis of Populist Discourse in Development Policy of Bandung City
Caroline Paskarina

Department of Political Science, Faculty of Social and Political Science, Universitas Padjadjaran


Populism has been vastly present in Indonesia as a political strategy to gain vote in election, but it has been almost completely left out from scientific inquiry. The dynamics of populism in local election also occurred in Bandung City, where in 2013, populist new mayor (Ridwan Kamil) had been elected. Unlike the concept of populism that has been understood as a form of resistance to a dominant system, regime or political actor, populism in Ridwan Kamils administration is used as a strategy to mobilize public support during the campaign period and in the implementation of development policies. This paper uses content analysis to examine how populism discourse is articulated in the development policy of Bandung City during Ridwan Kamil’s administration. This paper applies a two-level approach to measure populism on two distinct but related levels - as a political ideology and as a political communication style. Populism as ideology is examined through the presence of positive references to the people, relationship to political elites and references to ‘dangerous others’. The analysis of populism as political communication style is primarily set to determine efforts of the government to use populist cues to resonate with the people. The presence of populist style is here examined through three categories: government’ explicit referencing to the people, their attempts of displaying proximity to the people by using language that typically belongs to the private sphere and their use of ‘empty signifiers’.

Topic: Development, inequality, and democracy

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=134


Empirical Examination: Technological Development Transforming Democratic Process in Indonesia Post Soeharto Administration
Guntomo Raharjo



This article is an empirical analysis of how Technological Development Transforming Democratic Process in Indonesia Post Soeharto Administration. Democracy is a continuous process supported by several instruments such as elections, rule of law, human rights and active participation of the people. Post Soeharto dictatorship regime, democratic process in Indonesia enter crucial stage of development. At this stage, Indonesian democracy facilitated by growing technology face many challenges. Technological and media advancement play an important role in the process of Indonesian Democracy by increasing the citizen engagement, strengthening citizens’ voice in politics and supervising the government accountability. Advance technology lead more accessible information for the citizens which is critical elemen for democracy. It will empower the citizens to know and understand the economic and political situation in Indonesia. It will also raise public awareness and government responsiveness. The growing usage of social media in Indonesia facilitates citizens to communicate with others also allow citizen to debate the government political decision. It increase the citizen participation in Indonesian politics and also allows the citizen’s aspirations to be heard by the government. The technological development also allow the citizen to monitor and report every government action and decision. These advantages of technological development beneficial for a healthy and transparent democratic process in Indonesia. But, Indonesian technological development itself could bring unintended harm for democracy. Misuse of technology to spread misleading information through mainstream media could degraded the democracy. Technological advances could also be used for tracking and suppressing government’s political opposition. Hence, technology is not only able to give space for democracy in Indonesia to grow but also possibilities to face stagnancy.

Topic: Development, inequality, and democracy

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=148


Social Vulnerability Oil Miners in Rural Area
Vieronica Varbi Sununianti



This article discuss social vulnerability of informal workers in rural area as the implications of world capitalist economic. Globalization is abstract, but its amendments felt by traditional oil miners, the impact is changes on livelihoods. Musi Banyuasin area, South Sumatra, includes one of the largest area for oil and gas producer in Indonesia. Eventhough the acceptance funds for the results have not been evident in Keban 1 village. This article based on qualitative research method using technique data collection interview, observation and study document. The interview is unstructured on village devices, religious leaders, community leaders, traditional oil miners also adolescents. Research validity use triangulation data and peer de-briefing. Its findings show the social vulnerability of informal workers occurred in exposure, sensitivity and adaptive capacity is seen with the dimension of social, economic and environment. More difficult economic level is along with increasing other social vulnerability. The work covers vulnerability on high workload traditional miners and low safety. Social vulnerability form is bonds reducing of solidarity, increasing circulation of drugs, night entertainment and social conflict vulnerabilities in horizontal and vertical mining area. While physical environment is more degradable. For this reason, it needs increasing human resources on importance of education as a social elevator, training assistance and community empowerment, also strengthening of the institutional village society.

Topic: Development, inequality, and democracy

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=163


Farmers’ Lament: Freedom for Exercising Agencies. A Case Study in Gianyar, Bali, Indonesia
Adi Nugraha, Mahra A. Heryanto, Pandi Pardian

Department of Agricultural Social Economics, Faculty of Agriculture, Universitas Padjadjaran


This paper aims to describe the macro-micro linkages in the agriculture sector in Gianyar, Bali, Indonesia. This study focuses on the agricultural development paths, heterogeneity of perspectives, farming styles, and farmer’s strategies in coping with their path of agriculture. The study is a case study which allows a flexible response to social processes in situ. Ethnographic approach provides a comprehensive understanding of community perceptions and what was happening in the community, and it was also useful in identifying the experiences embedded in local practices, culture and society which affect the farming styles and strategies of farmers. Data were collected through various methods, including field observation, participant observation, in-depth interviews, and document and artefact analysis. The results show that structural elements in Gianyar’s agriculture pose hindrances and opportunities, creating rooms for manoeuvre for farmers, and also influencing farmer’s ability in exercising their agency. However, some farmers were able to exercise their agency in choosing which structures to be attached to, and which farming styles and strategies to practice. This condition has led to the heterogeneity of perspective towards agricultural development path. Respectively it contributed to the emergence of different farming styles and farming strategies in the micro level. Furthermore, this paper is not only about the differences in perspective on agricultural development, but also about the liberty of generating alternative ideas for farming, and the capability and knowledgeability of farmers that should not be underestimated.

Topic: Development, inequality, and democracy

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=166


Women’s Economic Empowerment through the Increasing of the Environment Skills in Fishing Community in the Thousand Islands
Ms. Ida Rosyidah

Faculty of Social Sciences and Politics, UIN Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta.


Research on the role of government and corporations in womens economic empowerment have often been conducted, but the role of women agents in community-based economic empowerment rarely becomes the subject of research. This paper will cover this gap, that is, the role of women in empowering community-based economy by using environmental approach in fishing community, which is mostly living in poverty. Data was collected through qualitative method. The empowerment theory of Nayla Kabeer was used to analyze the findings of this study. Kabeer theoretically states that the success of an empowerment can be measured by how an empowerment can drive social change. For Kabeer, there are three dimensions of success of the empowerment, which are, resources, agency and achievement.

The findings of this study indicate that women have had a significant role in economic development in fishing communities since the emerging of the local government’s policy on tourism in the Thousand Island in 2000. The implementation of tourism policies in Pramuka Island, for example, have implicated on a variety of environmental problems such as arid land, increasing the quantity of trash, lack of opened-green space, and reduced access to clean water. These conditions have inspired some women to initiate some activities to encourage environmental awareness, such as socializing the environmental preservation, improving skill of recycle processing, making biophory, planting mangrove trees, etc.

These women have succeed not only in emerging environment awareness, but also in encouraging women economic independence. Women, who used to work as housewives now become workers who contribute to the familys prosperity. Theoretically, this finding supports Kabeers theory of three dimensions of empowerment, but this study also found that social networks have a significant role in the success of an empowerment. Meanwhile this latter aspect escaped from Kabeers attention.

Topic: Development, inequality, and democracy

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=177


ISSUES OF GENERAL ELECTION: A Reality and Hiper Reality Show In Political Stage
Peribadi and Musdalifah Bachmid

Departmen of Sociology Science, Faculty of Social and Political Science,
University of Halu Oleo, Southeast Sulawesi, Indonesia


This paper is a reflection of writers research and political dialogue on democratic events which lasted from 2004 until 2014. In this context, the writer attempts to critically and reflectively describe any behavior of politicians and voters that appeared in the political arena. The study was developed through a qualitative approach that focused on a phenomenological study and a case study (Yin, 2008; Muhadjir, 2011). The results showed a phenomenal reality show in various forms of behavior exhibited by politicians to reach a position in the political contest. Apparently, the excessive portrait of politicians was significant with the presence of dominant conservative voters and pragmatic voters, as well as a few ghost voters, intelligent voters and ideological voters.

Topic: Election and political behavior

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=3


Ani Soetjipto

University of Indonesia


Jakarta is Indonesia’s center for politics , economy and culture. As the nation’s capital, the election in Jakarta have been the barometer for national politics in Indonesia.

In 2017 Jakarta gubernatorial election, Basuki Tjahaya Purnama ( Ahok) - Djarot Saifull Hidayat as an incumbent ( supported by PDIP, Golkar, Nasdem parties and some faction of PPP ) are challenge by Agus Harimurti Yudoyono- Sylviana Murni ( supported by Demokrat, PKB , PAN, some faction of PPP ) and Anies Baswedan- Sandiaga Uno (supported by Gerindra and PKS parties)

Populism in general is defined as the promotion of a particular kind of link between political leaders and electorate. This link is structured around loose and opportunistic appeal to ‘ the people’ in order to win and or exercise political power. Populism in Jakarta’s campaign arise due to social dislocation in society manifested as fierce competition in labor market, relocation to industrial project and developing area, uncertainty in the family income caused by policy of global neo- liberalism.

Islamic populism in Jakarta gubernatorial election is actually a variant from definition of populism in general using Islamic ingredient since majority of population in Jakarta is Moslem . The opposing candidates Agus – Sylvi and especially Anies – Sandi used this religious sentiments , religious symbols in their campaign and portray their images to be as close to religious preachers ( ulama ) compared to Ahok that is Christian and Chinese. The gubernatorial debate and campaign actually has a lack of discourse on substance of policy for Jakarta but instead being a public discourse full with debate on race, religion , manipulation of public emotion that caused a division and fragmentation of people in Jakarta.

This paper argued that Islamic populism is a serious threat and challenge to democratic consolidation in Indonesia. Indonesian democracy has already faced a serious challenge from oligarchy, patronage , political dynasty and rampant corruption. Islamic populism and oligarchy politics became a double blow and serious challenge to the process of state and nation building in Indonesia.

Jakarta gubernatorial election is the miniature of Indonesian politics. Local election is the arena where incumbents , challengers, supporter and part of the public are entangled in the dynamics of producing , exercising power for the political agenda for sustaining democracy or challenging the process of democracy , nation building and state building.

Topic: Election and political behavior

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=11


SOCIAL MEDIA OPPOSITION IN DEMOCRATIC SPACE : The Framing Proces Through Social Media In the Gubernatorial Election of Bangka Belitung Island Province 2017
M. Adha Al Kodri

Doctoral Student, Post Graduate Program of Sociology Unpad


This research described about the use of social media as framing proces by the volunteer team to win Erzaldi Rosman - Abdul Fattah in the gubernatorial election of Bangka Belitung Island Province 2017. The use of social media by the volunteer team has also been a form of political strategy and opposition on the weakness of the public trust in political parties. As the reason, it is not surprising when social media such facebook, twitter, and instagram currently be considered as political battle hosted by the social media activists. This resarch observes and interpretes about how the candidates of Governor and Vice Governor, as well as their volunteer teams used social media as a tool for political framing proces do, how volunteers team the handled advertising and political marketing as a new strategy to win Erzaldi-Fatah. The research method used qualitative with Phenomenology approach by discussing the meaning of social media used as a framing proces and as a media of opposition in democratic space especially in Bangka Belitung Island Province. This research result diagnosis elements or problems defining done by Erzaldi Friend being precisely to can convince the community to choose couples Erzaldi-Fatah.

Topic: Election and political behavior

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=17


Blater, from Affinity to Tyranny? The Phenomenon of Sole Candidate in the 2015 Local Election in Blitar Regency, Indonesia
Wawan Sobari

Master Program of Social Science FISIP Universitas Brawijaya


Direct election for local leader (pilkada) surveys reveal that the criteria of populist leaders (close to the people) are most desirable, including among Javanese voters. Experts explicate that those findings show evidence of functioning appearances-based inferences (image) constructed by politicians (Olivola and Todorov 2010). Lawson et al (2010) echo that image is a powerful arbiter of the success of politicians to gain public offices. In Indonesia, popularity and likeability are two factors contributing to high electability (Qodari 2010). Recent qualitative case study discovers that the personal construction of a candidate regent known as blater (friendly, easy to socialize) becomes the leveraging factor of popularity and likeability. Blater character represents the Javanese leadership philosophy of Prasaja and Manjing Ajur-Ajer (want to live modestly and get along with the little people). In Javanese social relations, blater is the antithesis of elitist priyayi behavior. Moreover, blater is also compatible with Javanese wisdom, particularly for a Javanese leader, in order not to adigang (pride of power), adigung (pride of greatness), and adiguna (pride of skill and expertise). Beyond this excellent character of Javanese leader, blater has actually given rise to a tyranny leading to sole candidate in the 2015 Blitar District election. Firstly, blater results in high popularity and likeability of incumbent candidate and induces difficulties for potential challengers. Secondly, this situation encourages the rationality and opportunism of political parties in nominating regional heads, and finally to set sole candidate. Lastly, citizens are persuaded to accept the election with sole candidate as a condition of electoral democracy, although it limits voting space. Hence, pilkada with sole candidate has eliminated the essence of democracy as a competitive arena of leaders selection and space for expressing people choice. The absence of competition and capability to vote are two aspects negating the progress of democracy.

Topic: Election and political behavior

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=30


Nur Atika Bt Hairi



This study examines the internal politics in Pakatan Rakyat (PR) component political parties (i.e. PKR, PAS and DAP) as the coalition opposition parties in Malaysia from 2008 to 2015. The PR was the first coalition of opposition parties in Malaysia that managed to deny Barisan Nasional of their two thirds majority in the 2008 general elections and won the popular vote in the 2013 general elections. This study is based on the assumption that there was a linkage between PR’s strength and contributions and various challenges that the PR faced. Political conflicts that constrained the coalition stability in PR leading to its dissolution are investigated. The study employs Arend Lijphart’s theory of consociational democracy as a framework for the analysis. The study argues that the PR as the opposition coalition in Malaysia was stronger than Barisan Alternatif (BA) or Pakatan Harapan (PH). The study found that hudud issues were the main factors that led to the dissolution of PR. However, it was also found that the main unifying element that kept the parties together in PR was main leader in politics, Anwar Ibrahim. Given the findings of this study, to achieve better electoral results, opposition coalitions in Malaysia would need to work out a better strategy to accommodate component parties with diverse ideological positions.

Topic: Election and political behavior

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=37


The Third Wave Democratization: Local Strongmen Political Dynasty Phenomenon. Case Study: Aquino Family in Philippines and Zulkifli Nurdin Family in Jambi, Indonesia.
Putri Oktaviani, Dea Alita Marsanty, Muhammad Budi Kurniawan

1. Department of Political Science, Faculty of Social and Political Science, Universitas Indonesia
2. Department of Politics and Government, Faculty of Social and Political Science, Universitas Diponegoro


Democracy is a form of government in which all citizens have equality rights in decision-making that can change their lives. According to Huntington, there are three waves of democracy growing in the world. In this journal will be discussed one of them, the third wave democracy. The third wave democracy usually occurs in countries with procedural democracies like some countries in Asia. This journal will discuss how the third wave democracy practies that occured, especially in the case of political dynasties by local strongmen in Philippines and Indonesia with the case study used is the Aquino’s family in Philippines and Zulkifli Nurdin’s family in Indonesia.

Topic: Election and political behavior

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=51


Disalignment of Political Parties in Indonesia : Study on Declining Electability of Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) in General Election 2014

Department of Political Science, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences UIN Jakarta
Student of Doctoral Programe at Political Sciences Departement, UI


Elections become the most important indicator of political parties electability, because the earned votes in the general election becomes a measure of success or failure of a political party working for 5 years. The ups and downs experienced by political parties can not be separated from how the political parties respond to any problems and political conflicts that occure public. This led to the disalignment of political parties that impact to the declining in the vote of political parties in the general election.
Disalignment is interpreted as the transfer of voters from one party to another due to several things, such as; The failure of party leadership, the occurrence of internal conflicts, the presence of other party alternatives, political party positioning issues related to the issue of national identity, and others.
One party that experienced disalignment was the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS). In the General Election 2009, PKS received votes of 8,206,955 (7.88%) with the seats of the House of Representatives 57 or 10.18%. While in the General Election 2014 there was a significant decrease of 8,480,104 (6.79%) and 40 (7.1%) of seats in the DPR. Some things are considered to be the cause of the decline in numbers relating to issues of party leadership, internal conflicts, party positioning on government. The decline in PKS votes in the 2014 election is a response indicated by the constituency to what is happening in the organization it self.

Topic: Election and political behavior

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=60


Political Volunteerism: Investigating an Alternative Candidacy Process for Mayoral Election in Yogyakarta, Indonesia
Alhafiz Atsari (a*) David Efendi (b*) Bambang Eka Cahya Widodo (c)

a) Faculty Of Social and Political Science, Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta University, Yogyakarta 55183, Indonesia
* alhafiz.atsari0[at]gmail.com
b) Faculty Of Social and Political Science, Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta University, Yogyakarta 55183, Indonesia
* defendi[at]umy.ac.id
c) Faculty Of Social and Political Science, Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta University, Yogyakarta 55183, Indonesia


Topic: Election and political behavior

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=64


Strengthening of Democratic Institution and the Need for Political Literacy An Evaluation to the Simultaneous Election in Indonesia
iding Rosyidin



Simulaneous election is actually a strategic step to strengthen the process of institutionalizing democracy in Indonesia, for example, in relation to strengthening the presidential system. The existence of parallelism between the executive and legislative power, for instance, makes the political systems and processes running more stable. This can be achieved, among others, by the holding of the elections simultaneously.
However, it is not easy to realize it. There are at least three challenges to make elections simultaneously as a road to strengthening democratic institutions. First, the modernization of political parties. There is hardly any political party in this country that is truly modern. Characteristics of modern political parties, at least can be seen from three aspects: first, recruitment of members. In this context, the main problem is the pragmatic consideration that often stands out, for example, a person who has a strong popularity or financial capital were prioritized despite of weak political capability;
Second, the election of KPU and Bawaslu commision. Until nowadays, this process is still not free from the problem of impartiality and lack of professionalism that clearly very influential on the election process. And third, public or society. The problems related to it are the phenomenon of money politics (vote buying), and so forth. Those are the three threats faced by the simultaneous election in relation to the strengthening of democratic institutions. It is in this context that the need for the continues political literacy efforts at its various levels so that the purpose of the simultaneous elections are in line with the public expectations.

Topic: Election and political behavior

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=66


Political Literacy and Money Politics in Indonesia (The Phenomena of Money Politics at General Local Elections on 2017)
Ana Sabhana Azmy

Department of Politics, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences (FISIP) UIN Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta


General election was one of the indicators of democratization beside other values of democracy. Beside presidential election, general local election was held in Indonesia under the law of No.32/2004 about Local Government. As completing the general local election, law No.22/2007 about the implementation of general election was composed.

The number of political participation of general local election 2017 was increased compare to 2012. However, the phenomena of money politics in several district, was also coloring the event of general local election of Indonesia on 2017. Bawaslu (Badan Pengawas Pemilu)/ the agency of supervising general election found that there are 600 cases of money politics from 101 districts in Indonesia.

According to these cases, Edward Aspinal used the concept of patronage and clientelisme. These concept used as indicator that there are great beneficial within political elite to distribute something, even money, things or other to the constituent to get their political support. Clientelisme consist on a reciprocal, hierarchy, the repetition aspect. Societies tend to think pragmatism in this beneficial exchange.

The solution of this money politics in general local election 2017 is by continuously improving the political literacy for all Indonesian people. Receiving money, things or services from the elite that would be exchanged by political right of constituent, will break the great values of democratization.

Topic: Election and political behavior

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=98


The Politics of Religious Identity: Key Lessons from the Jakarta 2017 Gubernatorial Elections
Prof. Aleksius Jemadu, Ph.D

Department of IR University of Pelita Harapan (UPH)


There is an international acknowledgement that as a democratic state, Indonesia is capable of producing enduring compatibility between Islam and democracy. Compared to many other countries with majority of Muslim population Indonesia stands out as an example where there is a robust co-existence of a functioning democracy and the active engagement of Islamic political parties and civil society groups as its backbone. The case of Jakarta 2017 gubernatorial election provides a good illustration how such compatibility has to face challenges and constraints manifested in the instrumentalization of the politics of religious identity which is exclusive and uncivil to say the least. Such political practice is carried out not only by the radical Islamic groups who fail to channel their radical aspirations through normal democratic institutions but also by pragmatic political parties whose main orientation is political power and position. The main purpose of this paper is to make a critical analysis of the reality of such compatibility in the context of a local election and try to draw some important lessons as reflections for the nation as a whole. The paper ultimately argues the active role of Islamic political parties and Islamic civil society groups is key to maintain the robust compatibility of Islam and democracy through the actualization of the universal principles of public civility and democratic citizenship.

Topic: Election and political behavior

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=103


The Politics of Islamic Populism: The Case of Nahdlatul Ulama in the Cilacaps Local Election
Luthfi Makhasin

Dept. Political Science
Jenderal Soedirman University


This paper seeks to address how far and to what extent Islamic populism has an influence in mobilising political support in the post New Order Indonesia. By focusing on Nahdlatul Ulama in Cilacap, Central Java, it demonstrates that Islamic populism is not only a resisting response against local oligarchy but also a creative adaptation to encroaching patronage distribution and clientelistic networks. The case of Nahdlatul Ulama shows that by employing religio-popular symbols and distributing religious charities for political mobilization, the Islamic organization often compromises not only its moral political stance but also jeopardizes its internal cohesion.

Topic: Election and political behavior

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=108


Patronage-Clientelism and Political Identity of Chinese Candidate, A Case Study of PSMTI in Medan, North Sumatera in General Election 2014
Ahmad Taufan Damanik

Universitas Sumatera Utara


This essay seeks to discuss how patronage and clientelism being performed, developed and emphasized by political identity, which is how the ethnic or religious identity as well as network and religious entities used to distribute patronage and clientelism. Some previous research proved that money political and efforts to enhance votes are more effective when primordialism issue plays its role. Sentiments, symbols and ethnic entities as well as religious are significantly have strong influence the behaviors of voters, although it does not stand alone. Money politic has reciprocal relation with political identity.

Those the issues that we are going to discuss by taking study on electoral practice of candidates of Chinese groups in North Sumatra for three levels of parliament in first zone of election. The solidity of
Chinese ethnic group is also fragile where the social politic domain related to clan and interest also embellishes social relation among them. However, there is cultural mechanism presents along with the key factor senior leaders whose capacity to consolidate various groups of social politic and interest. The selected candidates are introduced to the Chinese community leaders) to get support terms of both votes and financial.
The success team also managed to lobby the political party to place their candidates in voting zones which supporting each other at district, provincial and national level. Social projects are organized intensively as part of softer and elegance patronage, rather than the vulgar vote buying.

Topic: Election and political behavior

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=121


Incumbency Disadvantages: Local Election and Populism in Indonesia
Nurlinah, Rizkika Lhena Darwin, Haryanto

Department of Politics and Government, Hasanuddin University; Department of Political Science, Ar-Raniry State Islamic University; Department of Politics and Government, Hasanuddin University


Incumbent is a very favorable political position on the election. The results of the study in many literatures suggest that a strong candidate in the election is incumbent because it has resources and can use its position to campaign. This paper shows a different fact, where the incumbent experienced a defeat in local elections by raising cases in Aceh and South Sulawesi in the 2017 election. The main argument in this paper explains that a policy that is not populist can cause incumbency disadvantage. In two areas where field research was conducted intensively before and after local election showed that incumbent policies that did not integrate with populist policies during local heads affected voters choices. Despite access and power to the states resources, candidates without welfare issues seem difficult to win voters and win elections. This article concludes that populism is a major trend in local elections in the second decade of political reform in Indonesia.

Topic: Election and political behavior

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=122


From Zero to Hero: The Analysis of the Triumph of Underdog Candidates in Direct Local Election in Indonesia
Faza Dhora Nailufar

University of Brawijaya


The implementation of direct local election in Indonesia reaches over 10 years. Within this period, incumbent candidates seems dominating the result of most of local elections. The data show that the percentage of winning incumbent in the elections is still above 50%. It gives the idea that there might be factors that boost their chance to win the local electoral competition. However, among the dominance, there are also a number of couples elected as Head of Regional government that perceived as underdog. They never hold status as favorite even in pre-election surveys or polls. Some of the examples are Anton-Sutiaji who won in the local election of Malang City in 2013 and Ahmad Heryawan-Deddy Mizwar in West Java. It is noted that there are different kinds of analyses about possible factors behind their success. One of them is rational choice that was regarded as the dominant factor that may lead the voters to cast their votes for them. According to rational choice, there is a significant factor that may contribute to the votes which is rewards. If it is framed in the campaign it may appease the voters. It has also been able to hypnotize the voters to elect a new figure or figures that are not very popular. This paper intends to analyze the depth of rational choice factors prevailing in Indonesia by looking at the case of the two local elections where infamous candidates could win which are Malang and Tuban. The theory becomes a frame in this paper is rational choice theory and the theory of Political Psychology. The paper argues that based on the rational choice theory, the success of the two candidates were influenced by the way they framed rewards for the voters. These benefits are often negated as the contributed factors compared to social capital that was built by prominent candidates for long time

Topic: Election and political behavior

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=132


Andri Rusta (a*), Asrinaldi (a*), Putri Gemala Sari (b), Dwi Indra Kurniawan (a)

a) Dosen Jurusan Ilmu Politik Universitas Andalas dan Mahasiswa Program Doktor Ilmu Politik Universitas Padjajaran
b) Dosen Politeknik Negeri Padang


Awareness of the importance of citizens role in exercising their rights and obligations as citizens not only on the level of knowledge (cognitive) but must grow into a belief that he can influence or affect the political process of his country. The belief that it would be more useful if he took part in the duties of his citizenship. This belief is called political efficacy.
The term popular political efficacy is used as a "barometer of the democratic system", besides often also considered a predictor of political behaviour. Political efficacy has traditionally been used to assess the reasons behind the relative tendency of a person to participate in political life. Without a sense of internal political efficacy, voters are likely to become apathetic, indifferent to the political process that takes place. This reluctance will then make the people choose to be white. Ones participation in the social and political field is a form of social behaviour that is influenced by the values it embraces. Values are used to represent goals mentally and delivered through social interaction (Schwartz, 2012). The personal values are the motivational constructs that exist within a person and can affect the persons social behaviour towards his or her people.
In considering the above matters, it is interesting to know the things behind the participation of the citizens of Padang City whether in voting in the election of regional heads as well as participation in other political fields or understand why people choose to participate actively or not In politics. How much is the relative contribution of political self-efficacy to the political participation of the people of Padang City in Padang mayoral election

Topic: Election and political behavior

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=152


Machdaliza Masri (a), Andri Rusta (b), Syaiful (c), Muslimin (c)

(a) Dosen Jurusan Sosiologi Universitas Andalas
(b) Dosen Jurusan Ilmu Politik Universitas Andalas dan Mahasiswa Program Doktor Ilmu Politik Universitas Padjajaran
(c) Jurusan Ilmu Politik


Political Clientalism occurs when voters, campaign workers, or other actors provide electoral support to politicians in exchange for personal needs or material gains. Politicians using clientelism to win the election to do so by distributing aid, goods, or even money to an individual or a small group of voters, which is then expected to reply with their choice. Relief or goods, can appear in many forms-from the envelope containing the money to help put their children to government scholarship program, ranging from work as a security guard at the hospital until government construction contracts. The essence of political clientelism is the quid pro quo, or what is often described in political literature as contingent exchange (such as the Stokes et al 2013, 7; Hicken 2011, 291). politicians offer patronage in the hope and belief that the recipient will reward them with political support, or as a reward for the political support offered in the past. Reciprocal element distinguishes clientelism from candidate political program, in which candidates or parties offer a broader policy that benefits the category of voters in a more large-scale or even to the entire population - regardless of political support that they offer at the election.
This article explains the political model of clientelism carried out in West Sumatra 2015.

Topic: Election and political behavior

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=153


Bambang Ruswandi

FISIP UIN Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta


Indonesia for the first time held free elections in 1999. Elections –both to elect members of parliament and the presidential elections- targeting a relatively high participation rate, for example, in the 2014 election is targeted to have a 75 percent participation rate. In elections, the level of participation is often related to the legitimacy of election results, as it will determine the elected people and the position they o occupy. In this study, voter participation studies were conducted to illustrate voter behavior and illustrate the difference in participation rates from one place to another. In addition, it also examines the factors that affect the high level of political participation during the elections in 2014 seen from the economic sector. This research will use political participation by Sidney Verba.
The data used in this study are secondary data of election result 2014 from the Election Commission and peoples economic census data of 2013 and 2014 from Badan Pusat Statistik. The analytical method used in analyzing political participation in the 2014 election is Path Analysis - Partial Least Square. Preliminary findings indicate that the economic sector affects the level of political participation.

Topic: Election and political behavior

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=182


The Making of Sectarian Democracy: Religion, Elections and the Politics of Identity in Indonesia
Ali Munhanif



Topic: Election and political behavior

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=183


Singgih Tri Sulistiyono

Department of History
Faculty of Humanities
Diponegoro University


This paper is trying to study on how nationalisms which is product of nineteenth century Europe can be revitalized in facing the challenge of globalization. In Indonesian context, this issue is very urgent to be discussed considering the fact that the process of globalization tends to be confronted with the spirit of nationalism. Sometime nationalisme is viewed as an obsolete tradition that should be revitalized. But there are still many people who believe that nationalism is still indispensable in the face of an increasing wave of globalization. However nationalism must be revitalized in order to be able to face the challenge of globalization. For this purpose, it is very interesting to strengthen the spirit of nationalism by revitalizing it for improving the nation competitiveness in facing the expansion of globalization. The questions are in what ways could nationalism be revitalized in order to improve the nation competitiveness to face the global competition? In addition, the fundamental question to be asked is why does Indonesian nationalism need to be revitalized? Whats wrong with Indonesian nationalism? If Indonesian nationalism can be revitalized, how it is done? Those are set of questions that will be discussed in this paper.

Topic: Identity, nationalism, and democracy

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=13


Political Polarization Based On Religious Identities: Empirical Evidence from Jakarta Gubernatorial Election 2017
H.B. Habibi Subandi & Ahmad Hasan Ubaid

Department of Politics, Government, and International Relations; Universitas Brawijaya - Malang


Political Islam in Indonesia during the post Reformation has a moderate and pluralistic character (Anis Baswedan, 2004). But recent qualitative case study finds that a new phenomenon of polarization based on religious identities emerges among voters in the election. In this article we argue that the result of second round Jakarta Gubernatorial Election 2017 is the strong evident that supports the idea of ideological polarization (Sartori, 1979). In line with the argument of Mainwaring and Torcal (2005), we also argue that due to weak institutionalization, political parties did not play dominant role in shaping the sharp ideological gap among voters. Rather it is the product of successful campaign and political spin by alliances of Islamic organizations and politicians which exploited the issue of Islamic conservatism to outperform other contestant with different religious identity. The growing intolerance and conflicts based on religious identities at the post-election marks recent shift in the sphere of political Islam and democracy in contemporary Indonesia.

Topic: Identity, nationalism, and democracy

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=19


The ethnic relation between Chinese Indonesians and Indonesians : Past and Present
Chontida Auikool

International Studies (ASEAN-China) program, Faculty of Liberal Arts, Thammasat University,Bangkok, Thailand


The ethnic relation between Chinese Indonesians and Indonesians has always been very fragile in Indonesia’s different critical junctures. Many of the riots against the Chinese groups occurred throughout the country notoriously caused by ethno-religious tension, radicalism and disgruntlement against the perceived wealthier minority. For years after 1998, the post-Suharto regime has worked to strengthen democracy and deepened Pancasila values. This phenomenon is predictable to pave way for freedom of expression and tolerance towards different ethno-religious groups within the society. The Chinese Indonesians then should be more inclusive into Indonesia’s imagined community and the discrimination against their group should be unacceptable. However, several violent incidents in Indonesia continued to grow the concerns about anti-Chinese sentiments in the country. The perceived hate speeches, fake news and demonstration against the Chinese Indonesian figures have become elevated. The latest occurrence of anti-Ahok rallies between 2016 and 2017 is one of inevitable proofs widely heightening the fears within the Chinese community and shows a threat to the ethno-religious minority for political participation. The paper here demonstrates a history of Chinese exclusion in Indonesian history. It focuses on how the Chinese Indonesians observe their position inside the country and aims to describe and analyze the considerable challenges in their relations, particularly in the post- Jakarta governor election 2017.

Topic: Identity, nationalism, and democracy

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=27


The Sleeping Giant: The Awakening of Religious Identity
Sugit Sanjaya Arjon

Graduate School of International Relations,
Ritsumeikan University
〒603-8577 Kyoto Prefecture, Kyoto, Kita Ward, Tojiin Kitamachi, 56−1, Japan.


The Sleeping Giant: The Awakening of Religious Identity

The fall of Suharto’s New Order should be considered as the starting point of sublime journey of the political identity which often implicate religions and ethnicity under the democracy practices. Religious identity is a sleeping giant, which has awakened in the past and which will awake in the future again. Plenty of fundamentalist groups are formed and hide within the concept of freedom and democracy. Those groups are using democracy to destroy its fundamental principles.

Indonesia regularly has experienced large-scale violence, namely, Jakarta, Sambas, Sampit, Aceh, Poso, Moluccas, West Papua, these were areas which strongly associated with violence and it often implicated religion, ethnicity, and race as the roots of violence. Some of the past violence occurred during democratic transition 1998-2004, it started to decline after the local autonomy being implemented, and it is currently back on the rise.

This article examines the role of political identity in democracy practices, it also discusses the possibility of the awakening the religious and ethnicity sentiment under Joko Widodo administration. How the fundamentalist portrayed and framed themselves under democracy practices and why it is back on the rise. The nation is currently split into two sides: nationalist ideology vs religious ideology, the construction image of us versus them provoke the disruptive of social and political processes, it also challenges the peace and harmony in the nation.

Topic: Identity, nationalism, and democracy

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=29


Tradition for Sale. Batik, Local Heritage and Capital Investment
Anggun Yulia & Semiarto A. Purwanto

Department of Anthropology Universitas Indonesia


The introduction of technology and manufacture has resulted in the changes of batik production, a traditional Javanese textille which considered as national genuine cultural heritage. It is now closely related with economic commodity rather than cultural expression as it widely known before. In the age of information and communication technology today, the batik production and distribution have also changed accordingly. From an artisanal products from home industry, batik is now manufactured and distributed in boutique, show rooms, groceries, and by online.

Our findings derived from two months ethnographic observation in Trusmi, Cirebon, West Java showed that the nature of batik production and distribution has significantly changed compared to our previous observation (Purwanto 2002). As a center of traditional hand made batik, Trusmi was famous for its local motives and patterns composed by local batik artisants. However, when the observation took place in 2016, we found that manufactured-batik has been the main commodity in dozens of batik boutiques and show rooms. They were sold as shirts, dresses, and other ready-to-wear apparels. Batik in form of textille and fabric is only found in small amount.

Using ‘Batik Trusmi’ retail store as a case study, we would like to describe and analyze how cultural commodity, such as batik, can still be marketed in this modern and globalized time. While some explanations relate it with its uniqueness and cultural values, which remains debatable, we argue that marketing strategy, capital investment, and online trading have facilitated the current batik distribution. Interestingly, we also noticed that the handmade batik with its local motives are also available in the store. Therefore, our second conclusion is that the traditional batik is still struggling to exist.

Topic: Identity, nationalism, and democracy

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=39


The Indonesian Defense White Paper, 1995-2015: A Quest for Maritime Nation
Yovia Rizky Arvianissa, Shiskha Prabawaningtyas

Universitas Indonesia, Universitas Paramadina


Since the United Nations Conference of the Law of the Sea 1982, Indonesia have been acknowledged by international community as an archipelagic state. However, the Indonesian Defense White Paper (DWP) inconsistently reflected the importance of the country’s identity as a maritime nation. Even it fails to address the role of the military in coping with Indonesian strategic problems derived from its geographical position. The DWP plays an important role as an instrument of Confidence Building Measures to improve transparency among states in the international arena. On the national level, DWP acts as a guideline for defense planning. This study aims to assess the maritime dimension in the DWP. It also examines why the policy makers are inconsistent in using archipelagic concept when DWP was formulated. This study examines six DWP documents between 1995 and 2015 and interviews participants in the development process and independent experts. This study argues that the domination of certain actors and domestic circumstances, in which the DWP was formulated, undermine Indonesia’s geographical position as an archipelagic state.

Topic: Identity, nationalism, and democracy

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=57


Consumption and Nationalism of Indonesia: Between Culture and Economy
Pradipto Bhagaskoro, S. Hub. Int. (a) Rommel Utungga Pasopati, S. Hub. Int. (b*) Syarifuddin, S. Hub. Int., M. Si. (c)

a) Japan Foundation Jakarta Staff
b*) Graduate Student of Driyarkara School of Philosophy Jakarta
c) Expertise Staff of House of Representatives of Republic of Indonesia 2014-2019 Period


Being involved in global market, foreign commodities are imported to Indonesia. This is an absolute challenge to Indonesian domestic market and SMEs. Indonesian government then responds by intensively campaigning about consuming domestic more than imported products. Local purchasing is believed as solution to increase domestic income and to improve nationalism. By consuming domestic products, nationalism reflects in opportunities for locals to compete with globals. This logic may suit to economic perspective, but not to socio-cultural view. The problem is attaching nationalism to consumption. People are persuaded to consume domestic goods more often, only to be perceived as better nationalists. In national-economic frame, various markets have been driven to "nationalistic consumption” which pushes people to consumerism. Nationalism which at first indicates ‘devotion to own nations values’ has been reduced into consuming Indonesian products as seen in shifted jargon from Aku Cinta Indonesia to Aku Cinta Produk Indonesia. In national-cultural frame, nationalism as identity value is sold for consumption enhancement and consumerism promotion. Nationalism is no longer considered as ideal values of culture, identity, or heroic devotions, but measured from consumed domestic commodities. Nationalism is marketing strategy as quantity of consumption is better than quality of ideas. Besides, buying domestic products does not simply bring advantage to local SMEs because those are sold by companies with greater capital, broader access, and wider networks. Nationalism has failed to ensure economic equity and prosperity for Indonesian people. In conclusion, economic view invades nationalism in its cultural aspect by encouraging consumption of domestic products. Culturally, nationalism and consumption is inseparable today since to love this country means to consume more.

Topic: Identity, nationalism, and democracy

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=58


Ethical Values in Indonesian Character Building
Drs. Indri Djanarko, M. H. (a) Rommel Utungga Pasopati, S. Hub. Int. (b*)

a) Pancasila Lecturer in Universitas Dr. Soetomo Surabaya
b*) Graduate Student of Driyarkara School of Philosophy Jakarta


Today, character building is one way to form a good human personality according to moral values. Education is formed within framework of formal education curriculum at school. The Ministry of Education establishes eighteen values of character based on national culture ranging from religious, honest, tolerant, disciplined, hard work, creative, independent, democratic, curiosity, nationalism, patriotism, respect for achievement, friendship, peace, love to read, environmental care, social care, friendship, and responsibility. The eighteen values are based on individual and social values both theoretically and practically. Meanwhile, these values must face the reality of crime, corruption, juvenile delinquency, to premature sexuality. These values seem too rigid to apply even though the lists consist of good values. There is the most important value above all; ethical intention to others. In ethical deeds by N. Driyarkara, one is invited to be responsible to others. That responsibility is a duty as a manifestation of conscience. To the extent that one acts with respect for the existence of others, his actions are ethical. Humans are inter-subjective beings; his individuality depends on otherness. Such dependence triggers sympathy up to empathy which is not harmful, but liberates human beings. In conclusion, the character will be well-formed not because it is educated by values, but because it understands values. The value is ethical to others, from context of family, society, to state.

Topic: Identity, nationalism, and democracy

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=59


Muhyar Fanani



Since amendment of 1945 Constitution in 1999-2002, politics was becoming very open. People get their rights of freedom of expression. Direct election becomes very popular and familiar for them. Voting becomes very common to choose public leaders in all level of leadership in this country. However, some experts said that Indonesia democracy after reformation era is not Pancasila democracy anymore. It tends to move to liberal democracy.
The writer agrees with this opinion. Democracy after reformation tends to neglect the three principles of Pancasila democracy that stipulated by Soekarno, namely mufakat (full agreement, consensus), perwakilan (representativeness), and musyawarah (deliberation). The lack of mufakat could be seen in the big number of votings in decision making in parliament (local and national). Meanwhile, many factors could influence the result of voting especially money, capital, interest (personal, narrow, group, party) that contaminate the process of mufakat. The lack of representativeness could be seen in the absence of group delegation (utusan golongan) such as thinkers, budayawan (cultural observers), sastrawan (man or woman of letters), seniman (artists), lectures, teachers, laborers, fishermen, and farmers. The absence of them reflects that democracy didn’t absorb the important voices of nation heart yet. The lack of musyawarah could be seen in many processes of meeting in parliament to decide something. The discussion tends to be in low quality, to use shallow and supervicial argumentation, to neglect accurate data, to orient image projection, to choose narrow group orientation, and to neglect public interest. Meanwhile, musyawarah needs deep understanding and high commitment to build public good. Musyawarah needs hikmah (wisdom) in discussion that consists of three things, they are deep knowledge, strong commitment to build public good and bring public interest into reality, and piety.
The impacts of neglecting those three principles of Pancasila democracy are malpractices of Pancasila democracy. There are, at least, six malpractices that root to the weaknesses of goodwilling to implement Pancasila democracy purily. Those malpractices are political oligarchy, money politics, prosedural-transactional politics, political dinasty, political balas budi (political recompense), and political myopic.
The writer argues that to overcome those problems, Indonesian people must revitalize Pancasila democracy into 1945 Constitution through next amendment. He found, at least, four points of the last-four-amendment result that not in accordance with Pancasila philosophy as a driving value of the nation, namely leadership unaccountability, absence of group delegation in MPR, problem of original Indonesian citizen, and high cost politics. Then, the next amendment is needed to make sure that democracy in Indonesia performs the forth principle of Pancasila[]

Topic: Identity, nationalism, and democracy

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=63


Talking about Islam and Democracy in Indonesia’s Public Schools: Legitimation and Qualification
Sawyer Martin French

Research Fellow, Institute for International Studies, Universitas Gadjah Mada
Yogyakarta, Indonesia

Student, Graduate School, Sunan Kalijaga State Islamic University
Yogyakarta, Indonesia


Is Islam compatible with democracy? The answer to this question hinges immediately on the degree to which Muslims themselves actually embrace the concept. This study evaluates how democratic ideas are both legitimated and qualified in Islamic education classes in Indonesian public high schools. These classes, mandatory for all Muslim students under the national curriculum, include a chapter that specifically addresses democracy as well as wider material touching on related values. This study draws on extensive fieldwork in public high schools in the province of Yogyakarta, original survey data from multiple provinces, and analysis of state-written Islamic education textbooks from the New Order to the present. In state-written textbooks, the portrayal of democracy is found to noticeably evolve as the state itself is transformed from a dictatorship into a democracy, demonstrating increasing support—with certain qualifications—for the idea of democracy as an Islamically legitimate mode of governance. Within classrooms, most Islamic education teachers also demonstrate acceptance of democracy on Islamic terms, although they should not be mistaken for liberal democrats. Overall, this article argues that Islamic education classes in Indonesian schools contribute not only to popular acceptance of democracy, but also to the articulation of an distinctively illiberal vision for democracy among Muslim students in Indonesia.

Topic: Identity, nationalism, and democracy

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=67


The Construction of Papuan Ethno-Nationalism on Social Media
Yuyun W.I Surya

Universitas Airlangga Indonesia & The University of Auckland New Zealand


This paper examines how Papuans use Facebook to resist Indonesian hegemony, express political dissent and nationalism. Understanding Papuans’ social media activism is significant since Papuans are denied freedom of expression and sovereignty and are unable to rely upon mainstream media to represent their cultural and political interests. Therefore Papuans are increasingly using social media to express their claims for independence from Indonesian rule. I argue that through Facebook, Papuans can articulate their nationalism, which cannot be expressed through mainstream media. Multimodal discourse analysis is chosen as the method. This method offers a tool to collect and analyse data that is appropriate to study texts in social media.
Facebook create spaces for Papuans to exploit the political possibilities of nationalism and its symbols to support wider agenda of dissent. Papuans have used Facebook to create a sense of belongings through daily conversation/communication or a nationalism from below (Billig, 1995). Through Facebook page, homogenous ideas of Papuan nationalism is presented to the outside world. The expression of Papuan nationalism is supported by various narratives including contesting the legitimation of Papua incorporation into Indonesia, creating the narrative of heroes and heroism through actors and their quest to unite Papuans into one whole nation, reinterpreting the meaning of merdeka that equals to attempts to release Papuans from social political and unjust economic situation, emphasising Papuan flag and territory as its national symbols. Unlike Appadurai’s (1996) concept of concept of nationalism without territory, Papuan has created a territorial principles of solidarity on social media.

Topic: Identity, nationalism, and democracy

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=74


Local Discourse of Muslim Women’s Leadership and Citizenship: A Case Study of Female Posyandu in Tasikmalaya

Faculty of Ushuluddin
UIN Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta


Woman’s citizenship has been neglected, considered as second-class citizen, and realized only as traveler in the man world due to the social forces that includes the perceived kodrat perempuan (constructed woman’s nature) norm that restrict her social engagement. The previous studies inform that the norm is generally seen as mainly restricting factor. It is therefore woman’s social engagement is restrictive and stagnant. The present study contends this finding and argues that it is not an essential value as perceived by feminists, but a fluid one because it is nurtured, changes from time to time and is different from one place to another. Different from feminist’s stand, this study perceives that women in dealing with the restricting function of the constructed kodrat perempuan actually often find ways to extend their role and status. It is therefore her social engagement is dynamic.
Using a descriptive analytic method and Anthony Giddens’s perspective of agency, this study answers the research question “how Muslim women cadres of Posyandu in the Regency and City of Tasikmalaya tackle the barriers they faced in enabling and enacting leadership?” The researcher identifies internal and external factors that influence their perception of kodrat and relates their perceptions to their social engagement as leaders of the cadres of Posnyandu in the villages of this Regency and City. The data which were collected through observation, interview, and library review are interpreted in the nuance of cultural citizenship.
The study finds that through these restricted rooms and opportunities perpetuated by the norm of the constructed kodrat, some female cadres initially take advantages of their supporting internal and external factors in tackling barriers in their leadership at Posyandu’s activities, and later on manage to exercise citizenship as men do and to certain extents even more creative and greater role rather then some men can do.

Topic: Identity, nationalism, and democracy

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=78


M. Abzar D, Muzayyin Ahyar

Institut Agama Islam Negeri (IAIN) Samarinda


This article attempts to analyze the development of an ideology of Islamism that rejects the political system of democracy through the reasoning of civil society. As a study of civil society and democracy, this article has significance in understanding the complexities of democratic practice in the scope of the identity of Islamist groups post-democratization in Indonesia. The proliferation of Islamist movements in grassroots communities in Indonesia is a unique phenomenon that has a dualistic meaning. On the one hand, Islamist opposition to the democratic system can be a threat to the continuance of evolving democratic theory. But on the other hand, the actions they do have a good tendency in running the logic of democracy by realizing positive law as the reference in conveying their aspirations. This article was held on several examples of cases of Islamist groups in Surakarta namely Laskar Umat Islam Surakarta. Based on intensive field studies and in-depth interviews with the movement figures, this study reveals that the existence of Islamists in Surakarta is still in line with the big narrative of civil society ideas, i.e., good society, social life and free public sphere. In case of expressing aspiration, Islamism activists try to make a mass rallies, lobbying with stakeholders, involving the security apparatus, political bargaining, and setting up legal communities, which these all are some reasonable endeavors as part of civil society in a democratic country. Therefore, remind them of the idea of democracy as well as follow the democratic practice that can be a trigger for legal awareness for democratic society in Indonesia.

Topic: Identity, nationalism, and democracy

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=82


NKRI and the phenomenion of Religius Radicalism
Rusydi Sulaiman

STAIN Syaikh Abdurrahman Siddik Bangka Belitung


NKRI and the phenomenion of Religius Radicalism

Rusydi Sulaiman
Lecture of STAIN Syaikh Abdurrahman Siddik Bangka Belitung
Email: abirusydi@yahoo.co.id

NKRI is the ideal form of the Indonesian nation which actually has also become a consensus among religious and social groups to maintain the integrity of the nation in various aspects of life. But in its development, this country could not be separated from various challenges, including the emergence of radical movement in Islam. The phenomenon of radicalism looks solid from time to time and become a destruction of NKRI whose Pancasila as the way of life. This movement was a contrary to the condition of pluralism and variety in Indonesia. The homogeneity requires a certain form of ideology as a foothold towards Naisonal endurance. This article tries to explain about NKRI and the phenomenon of Religious Radicalism, which emphasizes the strengthening of Pancasila�s values as an alternative ideology toward some aspects struggled by radical Islamists. In this study, the writer uses a descriptive qualitative research method based on literatures (library research). The article consists of some sub-topics such as: the strength of NKRI, Challenges of Religious Radicalism phenomenon, Radical Islamic Movement which reject NKRI, Forms of Radical Islamic Rejection (Enforcement of Khilafah, Implementation of Islamic Sharia (Back to the Quran and Sunnah ). This article then stresses that Pancasila as alternative ideology of indonesian people. Because of it�s values also based on Al-quran as the main source of islam. As a global source, Al-quran also needs Sunnah as a detail source. Pancasila which based on both two sources then choosed to face everything of human needs; social or religious aspect.

Topic: Identity, nationalism, and democracy

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=90



Universitas Islam Negeri Sultan Maulana Hasanuddin Banten


The polemic of the Christian Church of Indonesia (GKI) Yasmin establishment that it is located in the Bogor where has raised various kinds of new problems both structurally and culturally. One of the problems at the structural level is the administrative polemic over the permit for the places establishment of worship from the government of Bogor. And the cultural level, it is the emergence of a conflict intolerance between fellow Muslims - Islam vs. Islam or Islam vs. Christianity - whether social, political, legal conflicts including religious or faith conflicts.
The theoritical frameworks used to analyse the research questions are the religious roles consist of ideology, identity, and social-ethic, political islamic movement theory, and human right. The approach used in this documentary is qualitative approach.
This research is to know the role of religion and politics owned by Islamic mass organizations (HTI and FORKAMI) in rejecting the establishment of GKI Yasmin in Curug Mekar Village Bogor Barat Bogor. The findings of the research, there are three roles of religion that is religion as ideology, HTI and Forkami as pressure group (soft and hard pressure group) and third is social-ethical. In the political context, the political role of HTI and Forkami is a Structural Islamic political movement and the cultural Islamic political movement.

Topic: Identity, nationalism, and democracy

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=99


Pancasila and Nation Character Building in Indonesia Post the New Order
Anis Fuadah Z., Andi Prastowo, M. Mustafid

(Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University Jakarta, Sunan Kalijaga State Islamic University Yogyakarta, Nahdlatul Ulama University)


Gaps between education system and reality among society resulted to the decline of character building of students in Indonesia. National curriculum focused more on teaching and paid less attention to values. Pancasila is the national ideology taught at schools and universities. However, education institutions provided more limited resources on Pancasila to implement at local curriculum. As a result, some surveys founded that more students refused to pay respects to join national anthem or learn Pancasila at schools (PPIM 2016). They even supported more to transnational terrorist and radical groups which become national security and unity threat. This article is based on interviews to students and lecturers studying Pancasila at schools and universities in Jakarta. It argued that government have to take a strategic policy to prevent the drastic decline of integrity and unity moral and values, especially how Pancasila needs more resources to teach and implement at schools and universities.

Topic: Identity, nationalism, and democracy

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=105


Citizenship in Indonesia: Case Study on Contested Identity Construction upon the Cina Benteng Community
Yudhanty Parama Sany

Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, University of Indonesia


The identity of Chinese people in Indonesia is constructed around the idea of history, origin and fate, which are continuously transforming and contending in every era of Indonesian administration. The preferential treatment applied to the Chinese-decent people in Indonesia, which has been going on since the colonial era, has produced a dichotomy of the Non-Pribumi (immigrant decent) and Pribumi (literally means son of the soil, the native of Indonesia). The ethnic Chinese as the Non-Pribumi is considered as foreigners, immigrants and aliens that brought about their identity as an Indonesian being questioned. This dichotomy resulted in negative impacts that still affect the Chinese-Indonesian in integrating and assimilating with the Indonesian until recently. They are still considered as a different part of Indonesia, as minority groups and foreigners. These are what happen to the Chinese-decent population who has been living for generations in Indonesia, especially the Cina Benteng community in Tangerang.
The distinct identity of the Cina Benteng community – that has been formed around the idea of history, origin and fate– made them continuously facing several cases of discriminations. Cases experienced by the Cina Benteng community are the very examples of obstacles that this nation faces in managing the pluralism of identities, whether based on ethnic groups, races, religions or other groups that are present in the society. The concept of citizenship being adopted by the state of Indonesia cannot accommodate equally the existence of the Cina Benteng community in the country, yet. Currently, there are many racial discrimination problems left, such as the lack of legal recognition of the Cina Benteng community as Indonesian citizens, or worse, a number of ethnic Chinese who still have no citizenship. This situation causes them to live with difficulties in requiring political, social and cultural rights as Indonesian citizens.
The approach used in this research is a qualitative one, combined with descriptive-analytics methods to analyze data acquired from the fields. Data gathering technique used in this research is through literature study, document gathering and in-depth interviews as to be able to explain the process of identity construction and its contestation among the Cina Benteng community and their relations with citizenship issues in Indonesia.

Topic: Identity, nationalism, and democracy

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=115


Shii identity and nationalism in Indonesias Reformasi
Z Zulkifli

Department of Sociology, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, UIN Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta


Indonesia is home to the largest Muslim inhabitants in the world in which the Shi‘i adherents exist amidst the overwhelming Sunni majority. Although the Shi‘is has been present in Indonesia centuries ago, the growing number of conversion to Shi‘ism occurred following the victory of Iranian revolution of 1979. But their number remains small; fair estimate being one million while other claim to be three million people. Yet their existence has created uneasiness among the Sunni majority, particularly Wahhabi-leaning religious leaders. Indonesia’s reformasi has witnessed the rise of anti-Shi‘i activism. Among anti-Shi‘i activists, the rejection of Shi‘ism is not only seen as a religious issue but also from its political aspect. Shi‘ism is framed as a threat to the nation and state. Shi‘ism as ideology is seen contrary and never comfortable with the state ideology of Pancasila, the 1945 Constitution, and the Unitary Republic of Indonesia (NKRI). So, is Shi‘ism compatible with Indonesian nationalism? Then, what is the Shi‘i attitude towards Pancasila, the 1945 Constitution, and NKRI? This paper is in general aimed at examining whether Shi‘ism is compatible with Indonesian nationalism. It systematically explains the attitude of the Shi‘i group towards Pancasila, the 1945 Constitution, and NKRI and its relation to the Shi‘i identity construction. Based on available written sources, the paper finds that Shi‘ism is compatible with Indonesian nationalism and the Shi‘i group has the full acceptance of Pancasila, the 1945 Constitution, and NKRI. Since identity is the product of interaction, Shi‘i identity is historically and socially constructed on the basis of its relation to Sunnis who form the majority in the country. With regard to Indonesian nationalism, the Shi‘i group tends to have project identity, rather than resistence identity.

Topic: Identity, nationalism, and democracy

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=116


The Construction of the Social Identity of Religious Community Congregations
Bintan Humeira

Ph.D Student of Communication Science, Universitas Indonesia, Jakarta
Email: bintan.humeira[at]uinjkt.ac.id; bhumeira[at]ymail.com,



The Construction of the Social Identity of Religious Community Congregations
Bintan Humeira
Ph.D Student of Communication Science, Universitas Indonesia, Jakarta
Email: bintan.humeira@uinjkt.ac.id; bhumeira@ymail.com,

Religious learning activities in groups have existed before the community knew about religious education through formal channels such as schools or pesantren. This group was later known as Majelis Taklim. Majelis Taklim as a non-formal Islamic educational institution has an important position in the middle of the Muslim community of Indonesia as a forum for developing religious life, as well as a media for delivering ideas that are beneficial to the development of society and nation.
The presence of Majelis Taklim and the involvement of the teenagers in it, for example in Majelis Nurul Mustofa and Majelis Rasulullah, became an interesting phenomenon that raises the curiosity about how the youth as members of Majelis Taklim understand and interpret the group. How members of the taklim interpret their groups can influence how they build their social identity. Thus the research problem is how the congregation of Majelis Rasullulah and Majelis Nurul Mustofa construct their social identity related to their interactions in the group.
This research uses social identity theory. According to Tajfel (in Taylor, Peplau & Sears, 2009), social identity is a part of individual self-concept derived from membership in a social group and emotional values ​​and attachments attached in the membership. There are three basic processes of social identity formation, namely social identification, social categorization, and social comparison (Tajfel and Turner,1979).
This research methodology uses constructivist paradigm and qualitative method. Research strategy using phenomenology, with cross pattern data analysis. This study used in-depth interviews on two informant members of Majelis Taklim for research data collection.
The results showed that the individual member of Majelis Rasulullah and Majelis Nurul Mustofa construct their identity through a process of social categorization, social identification and social comparison are tend to be similar but with different interpretation. The similarities seen in the congregation of Majelis Rasulullah and Nurul Musthofa, among others: 1) have positive self-concept as a congregation of assemblies, ie as someone who has better knowledge of religion than their peer group ; 2) see themself as a tolerant person in their relationship with Muslims and non-Muslims, 3) viewing himself as a person who enjoys studying religion from various sources; and 4) have curiousity to various issues relating to religion in everyday life. In the aspect of social categorization, Habib figures become important for individual members of the Majelis when deciding to join the assembly. This study also found that there was influence of families in the construction of social identity of the assemblies congregations, especially for introducing them to the activity of the assemblies and Habib figure.
Keywords: Identity; Construction; Social identity; Majelis Taklim.

Topic: Identity, nationalism, and democracy

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=131


Nuria Astagini

Ph.D Student of Universitas Indonesia


Rapid development and migration rate in JABODETABEK area makes the natives in the area slowly cast aside. One of the city that have a high migration rate is Depok. In Depok, the migrants become the majority. The natives of Depok or Betawi Depok believed to come from Betawi outskirts (Betawi Pinggiran), which commonly known as Betawi Ora. The member of Betawi Depok group often considered as lowly and hick, and sometimes it make them ashamed to show their ethnic identity. Social media has become an important media for the some of Betawi Depok group members; Because through social media they can present and express themselves. In-depth interviews which was conducted with some members of the Betawi Depok group shown that social media have become a neutral zone to show their ethnic identities freely. It is also known that their etnic identities shown in social media can be categorized as a new form of identities. Furthermore this research is expected to provide knowledge about the phenomenon of social media usage among marginalized groups, especially by Betawi Depok group member.

Topic: Identity, nationalism, and democracy

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=138


The construction of Identity in the post-secular states: the Case of Turkey and Indonesia
Eva Mushoffa

Department of International Relations, FISIP Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University Jakarta


Literature on post secularism in global politics has pointed to the underlying problem of identity construction experienced by Muslim majority states with regards to Islamic element. In this context, Turkey and Indonesia provided evidence that Islamic element can hardly be excluded as the basic character of the state, despite its secular nature. More interestingly, as the two countries strived to embolden democratic character, the articulation of Islamic element continue to experienced wax and wane depending on the political context experienced by religious group.
This article aims at shedding light on the insertion of Islamic element in Turkey’s and Indonesia’s state identity. Following the convincing argument of violence and identity construction, this paper will explore the tension between secularist and Islamist groups in Indonesia and Turkey during late 1960s and late 1990s respectively as the social context within which Muslim groups experienced marginalization but then increasingly consolidated thanks to more democratic environment. Nevertheless , in the case of Indonesia, the consolidation of Islamic identity did not ushered Islamic political parties to seize power since Islamic element diffused across parties both Islamist and nationalist just as it has been also more crystallized in the form of ideological base adopted by mass-based organization such as Nahdlatul Ulama ( NU) and Muhammadiyah. As for Turkey, the heyday of Islamist agenda enjoyed by the AKP after seizing power in 2002 was basically the result from the reform undertaken by the Milli Gorus - conservative social movement with the sunni tradition- which hadinspired ‘ Anatolian Tigers’ -Turkish Muslim businessmen- to play greater role.
However, recent evidence demonstrated the ongoing process of renegotiation of Islamic element both in Indonesia and Turkey in the opposing trend. The later portrayed the declining support for the AKP as demonstrated in the breakup of the coalition mainly between the AKP and the Gulen movement -another sunni-inspired social movement- which previously helped the AKP rise to power. Such breakup did not only divide Turkish into those who are pro-the ruling AKP and those who are against it, but also threaten the social cohesion previously prevailed, as the Kurdish group also withdrew their support for the AKP. As for Indonesia, the Blasphemy case involving Chinese ex-Governor of Jakarta Basuki Cahaya Purnama has revealed once again the insistence of fundamentalist group to dictate their agenda in the political sphere.
drawing on the comparison between Indonesia’s and Turkey’s cases, this article argues that Islamic element would be continuously renegotiated in the wake of unfolding events that would either bring Islamic element polarized or consolidated.

Topic: Identity, nationalism, and democracy

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=140


The Future of Pancasila as a Philosophy, a View of Life, and an Ideology of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia (NKRI)
Robi Sugara

State Islamic University (UIN) Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta


Pancasila is believed to have an important history in establishing Indonesia as a nation. It is also believed to have successfully united tribal, linguistic, and religious in Indonesia. Although every leadership from Soekarno to Joko Widodo era has different ways in implementing Pancasila, they agree that Pancasila is as a philosophy, a view of life, and an ideology of Indonesia. Along the way, Pancasila has also been faced with communist ideology and political Islam groups who want to replace Pancasila as the state ideology. After the fall of Soeharto, Pancasila has faced many challenges as an ideology, mainly from political Islam groups. According the Pew Research Center in 2013, about 72 percent of Indonesian Muslims agree with the application of Islamic law. Previously, Pusat Pengkajian Islam dan Masyarakat (PPIM) UIN Jakarta also conducted researches in 2001, 2002 and 2003 which resulted more than 50 percent of Indonesian agree in the Islamic law. This has not yet been accompanied by the emergence of openly Islamic pro-Islamic groups in which the Soeharto era was forbidden.

This research focuses on Pancasila as a philosophy, a view of life, and an ideology of a nation facing challenges, mainly from the political Islamist group movement in an era of openness under a democratic system. The question posed in this research is whether Pancasila has a future in the midst of the surveys of more than 50 percent Indonesians agree on the Islamic law. To illustrate this, this study uses Signifier and Signiefied theory of Ferdinand de Saussure. Signifier is a conception of an object in which Pancasila as a symbol. Then, Signiefied is a conception of the function of the object or the function of Pancasila that is understood by people. Pancasila as a signifier is an object in the form of an eagle and interpreted as a guide for the life of the entire nation of Indonesia which later interpreted by other political Islam as an un-Islamic thing that is not based on Al-Quran and Hadith. While other meanings in signified that Pancasila is compatible with Islamic teachings. Although in there will be double meanings is avoidable in an object, the meaning of Pancasila as a philosophy, a view of life, and an ideology of the nation becomes a challenge among other meanings exist.

Topic: Identity, nationalism, and democracy

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=154


The Increasing Hijab Trend and Its Industry in Post Authoritarian Regime in Indonesia: a Neo-Gramscian Analysis
Witri Elvianti

School of International Relaions


Since the fall of Suharto’s authoritarian regime in 1998, Indonesian society has witnessed dramatic sociopolitical transformation in particular freedom of expression. In this vein, the changing state’s policy can be seen in many forms; one of them is the phenomenon of wearing hijab or veiling in public spaces by many Muslim women in Indonesia. The trend is evident in, for example, some private Islamic universities where hijab is an obligation to every Muslim female student and Indonesian National Police that recently allows Muslim police women to veiling while on duty. Despite its positive growth, some skeptical point of view is also questioning the potential of growing conservative practice of Islamic teaching. However, this trend comes to such an ambitious end when the government is in ways of making Indonesia as a global center of world hijab industry by 2020. Hijab or veiling in Indonesia is not only a symbol of identity but it also becomes part of culture of production. Assuming this is true, it becomes pertinent asking why the government decides to support this massive trend. Recent literatures put little emphasis on the state and global level of analysis as to elucidate this hijab trend in Indonesia. With reference to Neo-Gramscian analysis, this paper seeks to fill this gap. This paper would argue that the rising consumerism in global Muslim market as well as the more significant investment by global capitalist power on hijab industry and other Muslim clothing products give incentive to the formulation of Indonesia’s political economy trajectory supporting massive trend of hijab and its rapid industry in Indonesia.

Topic: Identity, nationalism, and democracy

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=159


Islam and Politics (Hurly-Burly of Religious Issues in the 2017 Jakarta Governor Election)
Hamdani Ph.D

Graduate Program of University of Nahdlatul Ulama Indonesia (UNISIA), Jakarta and Faculty of Social and Political Science (FISIP) UIN Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta.


Topic: Identity, nationalism, and democracy

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=161


Democracy Electoral and Phenomenon of Political Ethnic of Tionghoa in Indonesia: Reflected from Bangka Belitung Province
Idil Akbar

Padjadjaran University


Indonesian Chinese or usual called Tionghoa considering as ethnic with complicated problem’s identity that have ever been. Tionghoa has ever be as second citizens with special treated. But now, they keep going to show existence as one of tribe in Indonesia. Even in some local region, as Bangka Belitung Province, they showed domination of power as member of national house representative and senate. Through on this article, want to show how Phenomenon of political ethnic of Tionghoa in Indonesia has become inevitability and in other perspective, this phenomenon has become one of important stump for democracy development in Indonesia. Through on researched in Bangka Belitung Province showed that Tionghoa in fact gain quite a place in local politics. Bangka Belitung’s peoples has been showing rationality in implementing democracy substantively. The election in 2009 and 2014 have proofed that.

Topic: Identity, nationalism, and democracy

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=167


In Pursuit of Promoting Moderate Indonesian Islam to the world: Understanding the diversity of Islamic practices in Bima, Sumbawa Island
Muhammad Adlin SIla

Sosiologi, FISIP UIN Syarif Hidayatullah


This paper suggests an ethnographic account of the different Islamic practices among Muslims in Bima, Sumbawa island. This paper calls for the need to understand that Islam in Indonesia is diverse. Anthropological works on Javanese Islam have shaped the national and international understandings of Islam in Indonesia. Assessments of political, organizational forms and institutional elites have also focused on the Javanese centre of the nation-state (Geertz 1960, Hefner 1985 and Woodward 1989). The account of Islamic picture outside Java Island is, however, understudied. This paper argues that Islamic practices vary significantly across Indonesia Islam, not only within Java itself, but outside Java. Cultural diversity and ecological adaptation have made Islam in Indonesia is complex. And as such, to borrow Brakel (2004, 10), ‘it would be a considerable error to speak of a uniform Indonesian Islam’. By doing a 12-mont-fieldwork in Bima (2011-2012), I found that although Islam becomes the unifying factor, varied expressions of Islamic practices among Muslims reflect different cultural legacies and socio-political contexts. Although differences arise, Bima Muslims rely on local wisdom to mediate the differences and to foster harmony among them.

Topic: Identity, nationalism, and democracy

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=168


Diah Fatma Sjoraida, Rully Khairul Anwar

Fikom Unpad


This article investigated the implementation of Law Number 14/2008 on Public Information Disclosure (KIP) of West Java Provincial Government. This descriptive-qualitative study presented a discussion of the results in the implementation process of the above mentioned policy in West Java Province. With the theory of policy implementation, the data obtained that the results of the implementation of public information policy in the government of West Java were still many deficiencies in terms of implementers, structures, planning, facilities and infrastructure, and others. Therefore there was still much to be improved in the implementation of the law in West Java. Nevertheless, the results of West Java Provincial Government in the implementation of the Act had received a pretty good acknowledgement at the national level and in the community.

Topic: Regional autonomy and governance

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=24


Communication Pattern of the Director of Regional Hospital in the implementation of Health Decentralization in Indonesia Case Study Pattern About Communication Director of Regional Hospital in Implementation of Government Regulation Number 18 Year 2016 at Karawang Hospital Distric
Siti Nursanti S. Sos..M.I.Kom, Susane Dida Dr.,MM, Prof., Dr Mien Hidayat,M.S, Dr. Irvan Afriandi, dr.,Grad,Dipl.OEH.,MPH.,PH

Communication Faculty Padjadjaran University, Jl. Raya Bandung Sumedang, Hegarmanah, Jatinangor, Kabupaten Sumedang, Jawa Barat 45363


This research will discuss about communication pattern done by a director of regional hospital in the process of health decentralization in Indonesia. The hospital is a unique institution because there are so many different health professions. After the enactment of government regulation number 18 year 2016 the hospital is no longer a regional technical institution but a limited service unit under the Health Service. This study uses a qualitative paradigm with case study research methods where the object of research used as a case studied but limited by time and events in the case itself. This research was conducted in Kabupaten Karawang, in this study there are 4 speakers who have different views about the same case. This study aims to find out how the pattern of a directors communication which in article 43 of government regulation No. 18 of 2016 is an additional task given to a doctor or dentist. In this study, it can be concluded that the post-decline autonomy law becomes a new chapter for decentralization in health. Unfortunately, this decentralization is not accompanied by the deconcentration of authority. The regions do not feel owned by the health sector, especially hospitals. The funding responsibility for the hospital is located in the central government which requires a director to have a strong relationship with the central government. The work of directors not only stops at reputable hospitals that have many subordinates with different backgrounds. The director as an additional task becomes a new homework for a director.

Keyword: Communication Organization, health communication, Communication Pattern Director

Topic: Regional autonomy and governance

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=32


Desi Yunita (a*), Novie Indrawati Sagita (b*), Fahmi Rizky Taufik Hidayat (b*), Alexander Cecario Samiaji (b*)

a) Faculty of Social and Political Science University Of Padjadjaran
Jl. Raya Bandung-Sumedang Km 21, Jatinangor 45363, Indonesia
b) Faculty of Social and Political Science University Of Padjadjaran
Jl. Raya Bandung-Sumedang Km 21, Jatinangor 45363, Indonesia
*) novie.indrawati.sagita[at]unpad.ac.id
b) Faculty of Social and Political Science University Of Padjadjaran
Jl. Raya Bandung-Sumedang Km 21, Jatinangor 45363, Indonesia
*) fahmirizky03[at]gmail.com
b) Faculty of Social and Political Science University Of Padjadjaran
Jl. Raya Bandung-Sumedang Km 21, Jatinangor 45363, Indonesia
*) alexander.samiaji[at]gmail.com


The purpose of this research is to know how social interaction and relation developed by society in research location to fulfill clean water requirement as common property. As well as for what the water is used. This research will also reveal the factors underlying the interaction and relationship model developed by the community. The methods used in this study are qualitative case studies, data obtained through literature studies, stakeholder interviews (environmental management agencies, water departments, village government, community groups that have implemented and managed clean water, water users) and interviews Depth to the relevant key informant. The results show that the new residential complex built in Cikahuripan village area has encouraged the commercialization of clean water from the spring. For the community, as long as it does not interfere with their access to clean water then it is not a problem. Therefore, a clean water management unit is established to ensure the supply of people and housing remains stable.

Topic: Regional autonomy and governance

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=43


The Institutional Foundation of the Emergence of Political Dynasties in Indonesia
Yoes C. Kenawas

Northwestern University


Soon after the fall of Suharto in 1998, Indonesian reformist leaders designed decentralization and democratization policies to avoid another centralization of power in the hands of a small number of elites. Instead of solving the problem of concentration of power, the introduction of decentralization and democratization at the subnational level allows some local strongmen to monopolize the power at the subnational level through the formation of political dynasties. Why has this contradictory result occurred? The paper argues that the interaction between macro-level institutional stability and micro-level continuous institutional transformations creates an avenue for power monopolization by a small number of elites at the subnational level. By applying Taylor C. Boas’ (2007) composite-standard model of path dependence, the paper aims to show that the institutional development does not only precede the rise of subnational political dynasties, but also enable such kind of political force to be an enduring feature of Indonesia’s political landscape for years to come. Additionally, by using the composite-standard model, the paper aims to capture the complexity and the dynamics of power struggle between competing political actors—both at the national and subnational levels—to change or to maintain the existing institutions. The contribution of this paper is twofold. First, the paper supplements some previous studies on the emergence of political dynasties in Indonesia with a more detailed discussion on the institutional aspects that allows such dynasties to exist and to persist. Second, the paper shows that the emergence of the political dynasties is not merely an unintended consequence of the decentralization and democratization at the subnational levels. This paper employs secondary data from various resources, including news archives and the Constitutional Court’s proceedings to support its claim.

Topic: Regional autonomy and governance

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=45


Relations State and Local Communities: Redefinition of Special Autonomy and Direction of Strengthening Acehs Gampong Government

FISIP UIN Ar-Raniry Darussalam Banda Aceh
Kode Pos 23111


The passage of UU No. 18, 2001 on regional autonomy and followed up with the issuance of Qanun No. 4, 2003 on mukim, and Qanun No. 5, 2003 on gampong and reinforced by UUPA No. 11, 2006 on Acehnese government is a history of social identity of Acehnese society, which has been neglected during the conflict. Gampong as a part of the lowest government cultural identity in Aceh plays an important role in the socio-cultural system of Acehnese society. The existence of the regulation of the village administration law until the birth of Law no. 4 of 2016 is a new chapter of the repositioning of the gampong government between maintaining "custom" on the one hand and "local bureaucracy" introduced by the state on the other. Physical focused social development programs that have not yet touched the voice of marginalized communities are a dilemma of the current gampong government format. Decentralization and the desired autonomy of gampong are still not maximal and even look weak. This means that the gampong development programs are still tied to the power structures on it, so that the independence of the gampong that is to be realized through legal formal Qanun and UUPA still needs to be reconstructed to the sustainable development of the village.

Topic: Regional autonomy and governance

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=46


The Effectivity of The Licensing Reform Policy : Study on Publishing Trade License (SIUP) in South Tangerang City
Agus Nugraha

Department of Political Science, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, UIN Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta


The complaint of businesses about the complexity of the licensing requirements, is the basis of the importance of research on licensing reform policy, particularly Publishing Trade License (SIUP) in South Tangerang City. The main problem in this research is how the effectiveness of the licensing reform policy particularly SIUP in South Tangerang City? This study is a qualitative research to get a comprehensive and deep information both real and hidden. Data were collected by interview, observation and documentation study. Informants were taken with snowball method, rolling from BP2T as the provider and businesses as a user. The results showed that the policy of licensing reform on SIUP in South Tangerang City, has not been fully effective. It was seen from the main objectives of the policy of reform have not been achieved : easy licensing requirements, simple procedures, rapid time and free cost.

Topic: Regional autonomy and governance

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=50


E-Government Service in Singapore and Indonesia
Anton Minardi

Pasundan University


This article is intended to describe the implementation if e-government in recent era in managing public services and early problem preventions as part of political affairs. Recently, there has been two most advanced countries in e-government service namely South Korea as the first rank and Singapore as the tenth world rank. For the contribution to my own country I would like to write this article based on Indonesias figure of e-government rank based on right to information access. Thus the discussion will include human rights and the rights concept to information access, e-government conception, e-government in Singapore and Indonesia, personal privilages security, the impact if e-government, cyber crime and law enforcement.

Topic: Regional autonomy and governance

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=84


‘Good Governance Principles and Complaint Handling System’

STIA Lembaga Administrasi Negara Jakarta


Indonesia as a developing country is in the process of accelerating public services improvement in achieving good governance. One strategy to improve the quality of public services is through complaint handling system. However, currently the existence of the system only considered as the fulfillment of the management requirement as regulated by Law No.25 Year 2009 about Public Services. The complaint handling system which is existed in most public services do not bring effective changes for public service improvement.
The principles of good governance are believed as a good strategy to create effective complaint handling system for Indonesia. The principles of good governance become the fundamental for the improvement of complaint handling system in order to create good public services. There are 6 (six) principles of good governance; properness, transparency, participation, accountability, effectiveness and human rights.
With effective complaint handling system, relationship between services providers and services users (citizen) will no longer become ‘cold war’ as they both understand each other what is their obligation and rights. Complaint which is currently is still regarded as a burden for the services providers will be regarded as the important factor to examine their current condition. Citizen as the service users will know how to complain if there’s a problem in the services and will trust the services providers to handle and responsible for their complaints.
An effective complaint handling system is a way for community as the customer to participate in the improvement of public services. Also, it is a way to ensure the process of services delivery and to identify customers’ expectation. When handled well, complaints provide an opportunity for services agency to improve their service and reputation.

Topic: Regional autonomy and governance

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=102


Haniah Hanafie

Departement of Political Science, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences,
Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University Jakarta



In 2010 the Indonesian government has launched the Grand Design of Bureaucratic Reform (GDRB) as a reference of government agencies and local governments to implement bureaucratic reforms. There are 9 areas of change proclaimed in the GDRB and one of the areas of change is the field of human resources (HR).
The focus of this research is bureaucratic reform in the field of human resources in South Tangerang City. Qualitative research approach, supported by observation data, interview and document review. Data analysis is descriptive using data analysis procedure proposed by McNabb (2002: 297) and supported by the theory of Bureaucracy Reform, Human Resources and Effective governance (Callahan, 2007).
The results showed that the Bureaucratic Reform of Human Resources in South Tangerang City has not been run optimally, because it is still encountered: 1). Recruitment of employees is still KKN (Collusion, Corruption and Nepotism), 2). Recruitment of employees is not appropriate competence, 3). Incompetent placement of staff, 4). Voluntary Labor (TKS) exceeds permanent employees (PNS).

Topic: Regional autonomy and governance

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=106


DEMOCRACY, SPECIAL AUTONOMY AND VIOLENCE: Problematizing of Special Autonomy in Papua
Cahyo Pamungkas

Indonesia Institute of Sciences (LIPI)


Political violence in West Papua is still unresolved phenomena and it seems a ceycle of violence heppening in the period of Indonesian liberal democracy. As a consequence, Indonesian government now deals with the internationalization of West Papuan issues in regional and international levels.This article aims to describe the impacts of the development of special autonomy project in West Papua on peace after the implemnetation of Act No. 21/2001 on Papua Special Autonomy. The argument of this article is that the National Government has not come up with significant peace policies in West Papua because they just emphasizes on social and economic development than political dimension. This article is resulted from archival and literary studies conducted in the Indonesia Institute of Sciences. This research comes up with some findings, as follows. The Indonesian government has implemented some aspects of Special Autonomy to resolve the Papua conflict. However, most policies use an economic development based approach, claiming that poverty and welfare are the main problem of Papua separatism. The current shifting of government paradigm from security to welfare approach campaigned by the national government is only discourse. In reality, political violence committed against Papuan by the Indonesian police forces still increase and some of them can be identified as human right abuses.

Topic: Regional autonomy and governance

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=111


Lusi Andriyani, SIP., M.Si

Doctoral Program in University of Indonesia , social and Political Science


urban areas are part of the area that has been studied since 1976 along with the debate over urban regime theory in Europe. That is used to view cities as areas that carry out the function of social services and peoples welfare. Surabaya is the second largest city after Jakarta which is indicated in 2015 will be the fifth most populous city in the world. As a mega-urban area, various social problems are emerging as the city develops. One of them is a social problem that comes from urban poverty that prostitution. The issues in this study relate to: How is urban political policy in Surabaya in Tri Rismaharinis leadership in the case of Dolly Village Revitalization. with using urban regime theory as an analytical tools. The method used in this research is qualitative, which take the object of study in Dolly Village Surabaya. Data taken using interview technique and analyzed in the form of descriptive qualitative. The results obtained in this study illustrates that the Surabaya city government responded to the policy of East Java Provincial Government through the execution closing Prostitution with the Dolly kampong revitalization program to realize prostitution-free East Java. Many interests play in the Dolly village revitalization program, from academics, bureaucrats, officials, and mass organizations and economic actors. The conclusion obtained in this study is that the government has implemented policies that have the impact of social environment changes in society, especially in the prostitution dolly environment to realize the vision and mission of East Java as a city free of prostitution. Although prostitution is indeed difficult to eradicate, it shows that efforts to compare the city in accordance with its vision and mission have been pursued by various conflicts and conflicts therein.

Topic: Regional autonomy and governance

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=118


Public Engagement to Oversee The Implementation of Integrity Pact in Local Government Aparatus through Informal Channels Based.
Syaiful, Heru Permana Putra

Political Science Departement,
Faculty of Social and Political Science, Andalas University


One of the main goals of regional autonomy is bringing the state closer to society. Especially when the principle of good governance has been implemented, the state or government have to involve elements of society (as well as private organizations) in all government and development activities. One of the important kind of public engagements is how to provide space for public to supervise what the Government does. Since the enactment regulation of Ministry State Aparatus Empowerment and Bureaucracy Reform (PermenPAN dan RB) number 49/2011 on the General Guidelines of the Integrity Pact, the Government should involve the public to supervise the implementation of the Integrity Pact among the state apparaturs through the Independent Monitoring Forum (Forum Pemantau Independen). A form of oversight of the implementation of appointments or pledges of the apparatus not to engage in corrupt, collusion and nepotism activities in carrying out their main duties and functions. However, in fact, some regions that have long had Integrity Pact Documents even they got the predicate of Integrity Zone as the area of Free Territory of Corruption (WBK) has not really give space to the public to conduct supervision. So do not be surprised if the practice of corruption still occurs among the government apparatus even dragged the Head of Region and other elements of top officialls.
This paper aims to describe how the forms and mechanisms provided by the Local Government to involve the community in overseeing the implementation of the Integrity Pact, as well as to identify the constraints faced in implementing the supervision of the Integrity Pact among the regional government apparatus. The research on this issue was carried out in Dharmasraya District, Sumatera Barat Province, a district that first implemented the Integrity Pact before the Integrity Pact regulation was published, nevertheless corruption still occurred in that district.

Topic: Regional autonomy and governance

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=142


Implementation of Law on Village and Democratization Effort on Villages
Wahidah R. Bulan



Law of The Republic of Indonesia Number 6 of 2014 stated that strengthening democracy in village has intention to develop democracy climate in village simultaneously to make village more dynamic and progressive. One of the forms to strength village by democratization is reforming there functions of Consultative Body of Village (Badan Permusyawaratan Desa), first is full authority to do supervision chief of village performances, second is actively involved in the discussion and agreement of the draft for Village Rules, and the last is to accommodate and channel the aspirations of the village community. The next form is implemented village deliberation as a more realistic place for political involvement of villagers, and more significant. Last but not least is more democratic process on elections for chief of village. The purpose of this study is to give detail description of democratization practice in village after implementation of law on village. The study was taken place in four villages, two regencies in central of java (Kebumen and Bantul) which was held in the period of time from February to March 2016. This study not only to assess the change of structural aspects that occur but also elaborate social processes and cultural aspects change that happened in the process of democratization that took place in the village after the implementation of the law No. 6 of 2014. Using qualitative methods (case studies), the findings indicated that structural aspect changes tend to be without (minimal) excesses, but not on cultural aspects. However, the social process was still very dynamic considering the implementation of the new village law was short (two years), it still allowed the changes to occur in the future.

Topic: Regional autonomy and governance

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=143


Civil Society Responding to Countering Transnational Terrorism in Nigeria, Indonesia, and Saudi Arabia
Ada Peter, PhD, Badrus Sholeh, Ph.D and Yahya MofrehAlzahrani, PhD

Covenant University Ota, Nigeria; Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University Jakarta, Indonesia; and Naif Arab University for Security Sciences Riyadh, Saudi Arabia.


Civil society organizations are important group in managing terrorism and countering terrorism. They involved directly in paramilitary violent operations. Al Qaidah (AQ) and the Islamic State (ISIS), two influential transnational terrorism organizations, have operated in Southeast Asia, the Middle East and Africa, as a homegrown terrorist base. It threatened regional security and unity of diverse society of the regions. On the other hand, many of them also become effective means in countering violent movements and terrorism. This article examines the role of civil society organizations in countering terrorism in Nigeria, Indonesia, and Saudi Arabia. They found the hardest challenge in preventing violent extremism and terrorism as they have become target of terrorist attacks as well as joining government in fighting against terrorism. In addition, they establish schools and religious circles protecting society from the infiltration of radical jihadist ideology conducted by terrorist linked to Al Qaidah and the Islamic State. As comparative studies to Nigeria, Indonesia, and Saudi Arabia, this article interviewed terrorist groups, civil society organizations and government officers in countering terrorism and preventing violent extremism.

Topic: State, civil society, political change

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=7


The Resistance of Islamic Organization in Indonesia to Globalization and How to Handle It: A Discourse Analysis on Sharia Cooperatives 212
Gema Ramadhan Bastari

Universitas Indonesia


This paper will discuss about the rise of far-right groups in Indonesia which is represented by Islamic organizations and how the government can handle it. This phenomenon can be seen as a part of the rise of far-right groups in global stage, signified by Donald Trump’s victory in America and Britain’s vote to exit the European Union. The similarity between those phenomenon is the appearance of groups claiming to represent a certain traditional identity who opposes international authority. In this case, the international authority is meant to be neoliberal-capitalism regime which enters their respective local territory through globalization. In order to explain this phenomenon, this paper will use Richard Falk’s theory on globalization and resistance. According to Falk, Globalization will make neoliberal economics to be the only government agenda and force them to ignore programs that benefit society, such as social welfare, creation of jobs, education, and poverty eradication. In that kind of condition, resistance from local groups will be inevitable. By using discourse analysis on the declaration of Sharia Cooperatives 212 (Koperasi Syariah 212), this paper finds that the rise of far-right groups in Indonesia is a form of resistance to neoliberal-capitalism regime. Therefore, the increasing support toward Islamic organizations in Indonesia is a logical consequence of globalization that makes a country care more about their macroeconomic accomplishment, rather than the well-being of their people. In the end, this paper argues that the government’s sensitivity toward the people’s well being is the first step that must be taken in order to deal with the rise of far-right groups in Indonesia.

Topic: State, civil society, political change

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=34


TNI Professionalism and Indonesian Politics: Challenges to Civil–Military Relations
Tangguh Chairil, Ganesh Aji Wicaksono

Bina Nusantara University, Jakarta


Prior to the Reformation of 1998, the Indonesian military has been at the forefront of Indonesian politics, occupying positions in the state and directly influencing government decisions and political process, thus undermining their professionalism. As a political military, they identified themselves as an important actor in independence struggle that supported to the government’s nationalist policies to curb separatist movements, as well as formulated themselves as the guardian and savior of the nation through the communist purge of 1965–66 and the formulation of dual function doctrine. Since 1998, a series of military reform has been pushed to improve TNI professionalism and the civil–military relations in Indonesia.

After nearly two decades, however, the military reform is deemed to be stagnant. The most pressing ones identified are the push so that the military can no longer engage in activities outside of defense or war without the president’s permission, the restructuring of territorial command (Koter), and reform of military justice, among other problems. This paper evaluates the progress of military reform in Indonesia from 1998 until now by examining three factors or dimensions of civil–military relations proposed by Robin Luckham (1971), namely (1) the strength of civil institutions, (2) the strength of military institutions, and (3) the boundaries between the military establishment and its socio-political environment.

Topic: State, civil society, political change

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=36


Celebrating what? The veil, the state, and the rise of conservatism in women Islamic prayer groups in post-Soeharto era
Khaerul Umam Noer

University of Muhammadiyah Jakarta


Is it true that the state ibuism is dead along with the fall of the New Order? The answer is no. The ideology is still there, just getting stronger. A decade ago my research (Noer, 2008) shows how womens Islamic prayer groups (majelis taklim perempuan), or the Taklim, are a hope for the development of more emancipatory Islamic studies in society which open to criticism and focus on contemporary gender issues. The Taklim opened up gender discourse by studying the various books of tafsir and hadiths that questioned the relationship between husband and wife, and began to abandon misogynistic kitab and standardized gender roles in the household. The Taklim prove themselves capable of independently choosing the teacher, selecting the material to be taught, and selecting the source of the teaching materials. Currently, on the contrary, the Taklim has become the instrumentation for the gender role acknowledgment through teaching which is increasingly distant from the basic principles of emancipation. Now various materials are given more emphasis on matters of morality and standardization of gender roles. On the other hand, if previously many women who teach in the Taklim, now the roles are again taken by the ustaz and kiai. If during the New Order era, the ideology of state ibuism - which focuses on the construction of women as mothers and wives, is done by the state, then this ideology is now taken over by the ustaz with the support of the Council of Mosque Prosperity (Dewan Kemakmuran Masjid). This paper will focus on the post-Soeharto era, a period in which the Taklim have confronted the kiais power and took over the pulpit of the mosque, but are now increasingly conservative, with increasingly shallow teaching, and more diminishing power.

Topic: State, civil society, political change

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=53


Epistemic Community and the Military Reform in Indonesia
Broto Wardoyo

Department of International Relations, University of Indonesia (International Doctoral Program in Asia Pacific Studies, National Chengchi University)


Following the fall of Suharto, Indonesia engaged in a series of reform including the military reform which aiming at establishing democratic control over the armed forces and professionalizing the armed forces. While assessment on the progress of the reform has been varied among scholars, most have concluded that the military reform has been relatively successful in establishing democratic control over the armed forces, especially in comparison to other Southeast Asian countries (Mietzner, 2011; Croissant, et.al, 2013). Studies on the Indonesia’s military reform usually focuses on the interaction between civilian groups and the Indonesian armed forces (Tentara Nasional Indonesia, TNI) or the pivotal role of TNI establishment in advancing the reform. Minor studies have focused on the role of civil society organizations and epistemic communities in the Indonesia’s military reform (a few exceptions are Muna in Donais, 2008; Sukma in Rulland, Manea & Born, 2012; Scarpello in Heiduk, 2014). This paper examines the role of epistemic communities in initiating and advancing the reform. It argues that despite the lack of acknowledgement to their role, epistemic community in defense studies in Indonesia has played an important role in guiding the reform to the current direction. The main problem in acknowledging their role lays in the difficulty in identifying who this community actually is. This paper explores not only who can be defined as epistemic community in defense studies in Indonesia but also how the manage to steer the direction of the reform.

Topic: State, civil society, political change

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=55


The Role of Civil Society Council of Southernmost Thailand on Peace Talk under Junta since 2014-present
Fareeda Panjor

Center for Conflict Studies and Cultural Diversity, Prince of Songkla University, Pattani Campus, Thailand


The violent conflict in Thailand’s Deep South, the region of Pattani, Yala, Narathiwas and four districts of Songkla provinces since 2004, has caused more than 6,000 deaths and injury of nearly 12,000 people. At the beginning of the conflict in 2004-2005,civil society of Thailand’s Deep South did not has the role to solve the problem seriously. However, in 2006-2012,Civil Society Council of Southern Thailand which formed in 2011 by 20 civil society organizations started to raise the core issue of the conflict as the power struggle between Melayu Muslim movements and Thai State. The political solution from civil society practically envisioned and advocated a political solution to the conflict parties by peace talk which officially began in 28 February 2013 and March 2015.

The question is due to unstable politics and distrust between conflict parties including dividing among CSOs supporting and suspicious to the peace talk, how Civil Society Council dealing with these challenges. The study found that with respect to the present of National Council for Peace and Order administration (Junta) since 2014, there is a confusing signals from the Thai Government to contribute commitment and sincerity to the peace talk and there is internal conflict among movement organizations while the violence is still going.Civil Society Council is finding the window of opportunity and review own strategies for improvement including seeking more constructive collaboration under critique and tension between civilian and military government.

Topic: State, civil society, political change

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=61


Explaining Indonesian decision to develop a strategic partnership with China: The Impact of Domestic Political Change and The Roles of Bureaucrats in Indonesian Foreign Policy Making
Petrus K. Farneubun

Cenderawasih University, Papua
PhD Candidate, University of Groningen


Topic: State, civil society, political change

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=62


Negotiating Public Sphere; Modernity and Civil Society in Pesantren
Saifudin Asrori

UIN Jakarta


Although the contribution of pesanten in socioeconomic development has been widely recognized, this Islamic educational institutions are often associated as intolerant and militant education which became the root of radical movements and terrorism in Indonesia. This article attempts to answer the ability of pesantren to prepare its students to be able to participate in modern society and support civil society. The role of pesantren are evaluated through educational programs relating to anti-violence education, interfaith and ethnic tolerance, pluralism, human rights, gender equality, democracy, and political and social justice. Based on an ethnographic study in Pondok Modern Gontor, this article is a portrait that boarding schools have taken the role of progressive politics and the emergence of an active role in strengthening civil society in Indonesia

Topic: State, civil society, political change

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=92


The Intersection of State and Civil Society in The Media Policy Reform: The Case of RRI and TVRI

Department of Communication, Indonesian Islamic University, Yogyakarta, Indonesia (Fulltime Lecturer) & The University of Munich, Germany (currently a PhD Student)


The reform of a media policy in the new democracies is a result of political democratizing after the collapse of authoritarian ideologies around 1990s which involves both state and civil society.

This paper traces form of civil society initiative in Indonesia to reform media system during the last 15 years and its conflict with the political power with Indonesian former state owned broadcasters (Radio and Television of The Republic of Indonesia or RRI and TVRI) as case study.

Moreover, this paper examines failures of the initiative in the formation of a truly public service broadcasting (PSB) system in the country.

From the extensive study of relevant documents, this paper found, civil society organization such as the Coalition of Broadcasting Independence and Indonesian Press and Broadcasting Society with support from international agencies plays a key role in manistreaming media reform issues; influencing the policy agenda to change RRI and TVRI status from state to public broadcasters.

However, as happened in the most former authoritarian countries of Asia, the initiative was limited only on the formal policy formation and lack of control over the policy execution.

In the weak of civil society pressure to the implementation of Broadcasting Act of 32/2002 and amidst high political intervention of the ruling power during the last 15 years, the change of RRI and TVRI to be a truly PSB was very slow.

This paper contributes to map out civil society engagement over the media policy reform in the post authoritarian regime of Indonesia as well as to address model for CSO involvement in the upcoming political policies, particularly in broadcasting as public good.

Topic: State, civil society, political change

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=112


Eka vidya Putra

FIS-Universitas Negeri Padang


This research is related to the presence of Governmental Organization (NGO) at the local level of West Sumatra. NGOs as civil society organizations can not be separated from the institutional framework. The institutional framework will affect the organization. Institutional framework embodied in the policy of decentralization may alter the existence of NGOs. The purpose of this research is to investigate how the decentralization policies affect the organization. Whether it will provide the opportunity for actors to participate and understand the policy of decentralization. This research will be conducted by using a qualitative approach focusing on a case study of five local NGOs in West Sumatra. The theoretical framework which will be the center of the analysis of this research is the theory of institutional organization. Two important things becoming the attention of this theory are the field and the legitimacy of the organization of how both are affected the institutional framework. The results of this study indicate that the institutional framework affects the behavior of NGO’s actors, which is characterized by the expansion of the existence arena and legitimacy

Topic: State, civil society, political change

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=141


Rebuilding Indonesia’s Political Civilization after Two Decades of Reformation
Fadlan Muzakki

Zhejiang University


The 3rd Indonesian President, B. J. Habibie has ever stated that Indonesia will reach its new civilization after a century of National Awakening, eight decades of Youth Pledge. Indonesia is still going to that event. However, to get the new civilization comprehensively, Indonesia also needs to get a "new civilization" in political term. Political behaviour in Indonesia has gradually changed for last two decades. The reformation in 1998 has brought Indonesia to be more democratic than even before. Globalization and the influence of social media have, moreover, also contributed to make Indonesia more democratic in running its political activity. Raising awareness, crowd voting, envoy aspiration is now conducted through such technology. Nonetheless, those changes have several disadvantages to Indonesia and its society. In fact, pragmatics politics are still implemented in a number of rural areas, which causes unfairness in society. The freedom of speech has also encouraged the loss of idealism in political parties. The perspective in societies is easy to be changed due to social media. Therefore, it is questioning how to rebuild political civilization in Indonesia? This paper seeks to unearth the factors of rebuilding Indonesia’s political civilization. Furthermore, this study is initially conceived of in order to delve more on the ways and strategies in shifting political behaviours and attitudes in Indonesia. The country needs transformation in terms of political stability in this globalization era where the information cannot be controlled to be spread. Besides, Indonesia needs to build a new form of political civilization which will lead to transparency, populist economics, political manners, sovereignty and fairness. The author has come up with three main ideas on how to build political civilization: youth involvement, encouraging new form of nationalism, and universal transparency. This paper uses comparative study to support the author’s argument.

Topic: State, civil society, political change

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=158


Conservative Islam and The Future of A More Tolerant Society in Indonesia

Department of Sociology, Faculty of Politic and Social Sciences, UIN Jakarta


Conservatism is an influencing powerful movement in several countries. Indonesia, for example, encounters serious issues dealing with religious conflict because of religious conservatism. This happens especially after the demise of Seohartos regime in 1998 when this country could no longer control the resurgence of radical Islamic groups and the increasing hatred between communities based on religious and ethnic differences. Although religious conservatism among Muslims can be obviously observed, several researchers still deny this conservative turn in this Muslim majority country, or at what least deny that it has a negative influence. However, this essay will argue strongly that conservative Islam is now gaining ground among Indonesian Muslims, and will argue that its impact on public spheres is dangerous. It will then establish the causes of this phenomenon, before recommending necessary measures to counter its influence. To support this, the research uses secondary data from well-publicized journals and electronic articles.

Topic: State, civil society, political change

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=164


Women’s Participation in Village Governance and Development: A Study on Tagaramphung Women Organization in India
Moses Maguipuinamei

Indira Gandhi National Tribal University, Regional Campus manipur


In the caste-less and classless Thangal Naga society, women have traditionally enjoyed a high social position, with fundamental responsibilities both in family and political affairs of the village. Although the social and political structure of India is predominantly patriarchal, the Thangal women participate actively in village administration and developmental projects charted out by the Village Development Board. The Thangal’s are indigenous tribe found in the hill district of Manipur called Senapati. Politically the Thangal tribe is organized into federation of twelve autonomously administered villages. All these twelve villages have one women organization colloquially known as “Sanuimii Maloi”. The Sanuimii Maloi is an exclusive women’s political and economic organization with well defined objectives and institutional structure. The members of Sanuimii Maloi performs pivotal role in religious and secular affairs of the village. Using qualitative research approach, this paper highlights the structure, functions and participation of Tagaramphung Kalakpuimii Maloi in political affairs of the village. Tagaramphung Sanuimii Maloi was chosen as the subject for the study because it is the oldest women organization within the Thangal tribe. Direct interview was conducted with the former and incumbent chairpersons; the six executive members of Tagaramphung Sanuimii Maloi. Moreover by employing archival research method, secondary data were collected and analyzed. All the key resolutions and decisions passed in the Annual General Assembly of Sanumii Maloi were referred. To get in-depth understanding relevant record and the souvenirs published by Tagaramphung Sanumii Maloi to commemorate their fifty years of establishment were minutely analyzed. The study established that the Tagaramphung Sanuimii Maloi is a registered women society under the Indian Societies Registration Act of 1860. The organizational structures of the Tagaramphung Sanuimii Maloi are categorized into three groups based on the marital status and the age of the women. The unmarried women form an exclusive category known as Anlamii Maloi; the married women formed an exclusive group known as Ranpii Maloi; and the senior citizens who are above 65 years formed the Pii Maloi. This study is significant for two reasons: the Thangal women live in a district torn apart by ethnic conflict; secondly there are routine human rights violations on virtue of being the most militarized zones in India. The Armed Forces Power Act (AFRA) empowers the army to torture and murder civilians without proper investigation which violates Article 21 of Indian constitution. The Tagaramphung Sanuimii Maloi prevented several oppressive acts of the army. They worked with other ethnic women organizations (Kuki and Meetei ethnic women organizations) to foster peace and friendship in Senapati district of Manipur. The key contribution of Tagarmphung Sanumii Maloi lies in providing social welfare and relief measures during natural calamities and ethnic violence. The contribution of Tagaramphung Women’s organization during the Naga and Kuki conflict of 1997-1999 is highly accredited. In the political front, Tagaramphung women have equal voting rights with their male counterpart and enjoy equal opportunities to be elected as representatives in the village administrative posts. Sanumii Maloi participates actively in the village administration by attending the Village Half-Yearly and Annual General Body assembly. They bring in constructive suggestions before the village Development Board and ensure transparency and disclosure of village finance statement. At the economic front, the Tagaramphung women society initiated community development programme by sanctioning loan to the village textile weavers. The Ranpii organization invested capital for establishing pickle manufacturing plant at the village. Thus women hold, command and exercise legislative and executive power in the village administration. But it is heartening to discover that the women are neither given a place nor power in the judiciary wing (disputes settlement) of local administration. This paper strongly urges the Village Development Board to include members of Sanumii Maloi in the judicial branch of village administration. The existence of Tagaramphung Sanumii Maloi stands as an undisputed evidence that the Thangal women actively participate in local governance and sets agenda for local development.

Topic: Women and political participation

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=2


Elga Desmaryanti

Universitas Pendidikan Indonesia


The research is motivated by the dual role of factory worker mothers who face troubles in dividing the time between family, work, as well as society members. In their role as society members, they actualized by involving PKK activities. This research aims to understand the interaction process, supporting factors, and inhibiting factors of factory worker mothers in PKK activities. The research was using descriptive qualitative approach. Data collection technique was carried out by observation, depth interview, and documentation studies. The research findings revealed that: (1) Interaction which factory worker mothers performed in participation of PKK activities, that is by doing interaction along with family, surrounding society, and PKK’s caders. (2) The supporting factors perceived are the supports and cooperation from the families, surrounding society, colleagues, and PKK organization, and the inhibiting factor is the limited time.

Topic: Women and political participation

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=6


Gendered Student Political Participation in Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University 2012
Dzuriyatun Toyibah



Gendered student political participation in Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University Jakarta in 2012 can be seen from descriptive statistics and the fact that gender is a significant factor for student political participation. Political participation as a dependent variable is measured by activities such as signing petition, demonstration, boycott. The independent variables are participation in voluntary association, family background and social economic status, and family support. My research consists of 388 students where 216 (55.7%) are female students and 172 (44,3%) are their male student counterparts.

Generally, my research strengthens study about traditional gender gap in political participation by Inglehart dan Noris (2000,2003), Desposato dan Norrander (2008). My study is in line with Seda (2002), Nurland (2002) Soetjipto (2005). Furthermore, it supports previous researchers such as Mujani (2003) and Lussier (2011) that voluntary organisation is a significant factor forpolitical participation.

From in-depth interview, the data shows the intensive reflexivity from female student activists to confront patriarchal culture. While they can solve the patriarchal culture of family successfully, they still face existing patriarchal culture from outside family. They able to create structural elaboration because they won the election for being leaders in their faculty but they cannot achieve cultural elaboration. They still face difficulty to obtain similar authority as strong as their male counterpart.

Topic: Women and political participation

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=8


Questioning The low of womans political participation in neo-Liberal Democracy
Muhamad Supraja

Sociology Dept
Faculty of Social and Political Sciences
Gadjah Mada University


The affirmative action of woman in Indonesia parliament of 30% hasn’t fullfilled yet. Many people hopes that women can achive that amount but the political reality show different. The situations cause many questions of why this can be happened. What factors that caused the low of fullfillment of woman quota in parliamentary? Do the dominant problem lay on patriarchal culture, or they come from inside of the political party mechanism? Because the womans drawen in politics are so cool.
Are the problems of woman political quota appearences because the political mechanism which does’nt support it? to involve in political parties, one have to get support from political party, and it means that someone need a lot of money for campaigning and other operational cost that has to spend.
From the total amount of 30 % of affirmative action of woman quota in parliament, they shows that there is no different between women and men behave in political world. Woman actually can be like a man, she can be trapped in money politics, and corruption too.
Or maybe the problems that women politicians face are complicated, namely: First, to overcome inferiority complexs they have. Second, to organize the pressure of patriarchal culture in political life. Third, to organize pressure which come from their political parties bring them to the power. Or, maybe whatever are their genders, the problems are still the same, because the neo liberal democracy, everything based on, or depend on money.

Topic: Women and political participation

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=48


Southeast Asian Women on Countering Violent Extremism: A Comparative Study
Nur Azlin Mohamed Yasin, Rufa Cagoco-Guiam, Badrus Sholeh, Dete Aliah and Unaesah Rahmah

International Center for Political Violence and Terrorism Research, RSIS, Nanyang Technological University Singapore, Center for the Middle East and Global Peace Studies Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University Jakarta, Mindanao State University, Institute for International Peace Building Jakarta


Women took a strategic role in terrorism and counterterrorism. The Islamic State (IS) allowed women to join combat training and set up women military unit, which is very different to Women of Al-Qaidah (AQ) Networks working at domestic affairs. On the other hand, women in Southeast Asia have a strong commitment in countering violent extremism through their family, community and organizations. They become affective agents in preventing radicalism and CVE. Mia Bloom (2001) confirmed that women are powerful means of countering violent movements. Asep Jaja, former commander of Darul Islam transformed himself leaving violent behaviours and committed to supporting Indonesian government in deradicalization and countering terrorism after getting influence from his mother. Other former jihadists transformed due to supports from their wife and relatives. Women leaders of NGOs in Indonesia, Singapore the Philippines have initiated to approach wives of former terrorists and promote CVE to community groups. This resulted to the decrease of violent extremism thoughts and terrorism threats in those countries. This is based on in-depth interviews to women of former terrorists, activists of religious groups, scholars and NGOs in Indonesia, Singapore and the Philippines. It argues that Southeast Asian women have to get a more support from state and civil society in preventing radicalism and CVE. They become agents of ASEAN women engagements on radicalism, terrorism and violent preventions.

Topic: Women and political participation

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=79


Gender and Patriarchi Issues in Womens Village Leadership and Womens Village Apparatus Domination in Plantation Community of North Sumatra
Dr. Harmona Daulay, S.Sos., M.Si. and Drs. T. Ilham Saladin, M.SP.

Sociology Department, FISIP, USU.


Gender and Patriarchi Issues in Womens Village Leadership and Womens Village Apparatus Domination in Plantation Community of North Sumatra
Harmona Daulay, email :harmonadaulay@usu.ac.id
Sociology Lecturer in Faculty Of Social And Political Sciences- USU
T.Ilham Saladin, email : Ilhamsaladin@gmail,com
Sociology Lecturer in Faculty Of Social And Political Sciences - USU
This research seeks to find the phenomenon of increasingly widespread female leaders in government, politics and business / private world. We recognize that there are still views and stereotypes that place women as second-class citizens or place women in the domestic sector whichs are affected by patriarchal values that are still developing in Indonesia. This is due to differences in parenting patterns from birth that cause women lack the skills and courage in leadership. There are interesting things in the phenomenon of womens leadership in Karang Baru Village, Talawi Sub-district, Batubara Regency, where from Head of Village is a woman, also other village apparatus dominated by women.
The formulation of the problem in this research will reveal the reasons for being a leader and selecting village apparatus under her leadership who are also women. How does the style of women as leaders make use of the feminine side that becomes a power in the potential of women. Another interesting point is that the oil palm plantation area in North Sumatra added to the sociological complexity of the womens leadership issue, especially in Karang Baru village where most of the villagers work in oil palm plantations. This research uses qualitative paradigm and collects data through in-depth interviews. In-depth interviews were conducted to the female villages head and her female officers.
The results of the study found that female village heads undertook feminine and transformational leadership styles. Stereotype femininity with the term fussy, meticulous and can perform various jobs (multi tasking) to make the village heads mothers strength in running the village government. This is evident from the tenure of the two leadership periods, as well as the reception of staff to the hamlet consisting of men and the strong support of the voting women.

Keywords: Women Leaders, Local Patriarchy and Plantation Society

Topic: Women and political participation

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=91


Change and Opportunity for Women’s Political participation before and after Reform Era (A Case study of Women’s Representative of Local Parliament in West Sumatera)

Universitas Negeri Padang


This article examines the involvement of women in Politics within two different periods of time in Indonesia. It is common to find the number of women’s political participation across some countries are lower than men. This can be affected by some factors including social, cultural and political situation. Before Reform Era, under Soeharto governance, women as Members of Parliament (MP) in many local parliaments in some provinces in Indonesia can be counted in half hand only. This could be related also with the number of political parties in Indonesia which at that time only three political parties. After Reform Era, it is assumed that this Era gave women’s politicians greater opportunities to run for office. It is also expected that the political situation in Reform Era affected their electability that can increase the number of women’s political participation in parliament and then will bring good impact on women’s quality life through many women MPs and their public policies toward women. This paper used qualitative method. In-depth interview and observation of women’s politicians who become MPs during two different periods have been done for eight women’s politicians. The result showed that change of political situation positively associated with opportunity for women’s politicians to participate in many different political parties, but only have less effect on their electability, public policies and women MP as decision makers.

Topic: Women and political participation

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=113


Electing Female Representatives: A Case Study on Indonesia’s Parliamentary Elections
Ella Prihatini

University of Western Australia


This article examines key variables that are statistically significant in explaining women’s share in legislative elections in Indonesia. Drawing on a dataset of elected female legislators (DPR) and female senators (DPD) in nearly 500 municipalities/cities in the last decade, the paper contributes to the discussion on what factors influence the success of women’s political nomination. In which electoral districts women tend to win? And if they win, does family’s political connections play a central role? The results suggest that voters’ socioeconomic status and the size of electoral district offer positive and significant correlation with women’s performance at the polling stations.

Topic: Women and political participation

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=123


Ratnia Solihah, Yusa Djuyandi, Siti Witianti

Department of Political Science, Padjadjaran University


Womens involvement in the political process such as their representation in the legislature is a form of awareness of the political power of women. Womens involvement in the political process in Indonesia is minimal, given the low representation of women in the legislature. This is due to several internal and external factors as well as the direct constraints, fundamental constraints and structural barriers that affect them. To discuss this condition, a qualitative approach is used through literature studies and documentation on issues of womens political participation through representation in the legislature. The results indicate that the government as a policy maker has established Law No. 2 of 2008 and Law Number 10 Year 2008 to encourage womens representation in the legislature. In both laws, women have 30% quota to participate in the legislature. While political parties play a role in accommodating womens representation in the legislature. However, the representation of women in the legislature has declined based on the 2014 election results, while women legislative candidates increased compared with the 2009 elections. This was due to the failure of political parties to regenerate women legislative candidates, so the quantity and quality of women legislative candidates was deemed incapable as legislative members, due to issues of municipal elections and political candidates for legislative women. In addition, also due to several factors, both internal factors and external factors of women legislative candidates as well as women voters themselves.

Topic: Women and political participation

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=137


NU Women’s Role in Narrating Moderate Islam with Majelis Taklim
Dr. wiwi Siti Sajaroh, M.Ag. and Sarah Hajar Mahmudah

FISIP UIN Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta


Majelis taklim is a non-formal institution for Muslims to learn about Islamic teaching. But today, many majelis taklim filled by islamic scholars who spread the teachings of radical Islam or takfiri ideology. Majelis taklim also become one of the methods of spreading radical ideology among muslims. With the spread of takfiri ideology, majelis taklim producing people who dare to violence in the name of religion. Nowadays the main actors of terror and suicide bombings are not confined to men only. A few years ago women with radical Islamic ideology were limited to providing support to the actions of their husbands or family, now women become the main suicide bombers. Nahdhatul Ulama (NU) is a bigger muslim organization in Indonesia that is consistent in teaching the values of peaceful and moderate Islam, then how about NU women s (Muslimat) role in monitoring the teachings of takfiri ideology taught in many majelis taklim for women? This research discusses the role of Muslimat NU in fostering women’s majelis taklim, to teach a peaceful and moderate narrative of Islam for women in Indonesia. This study compares the narratives of peace brought by Muslimat NU to counter the takhfiri narratives in contemporary issues. Through this role, this study also looks at how the impacts of this study aim to analyze the role of Muslimat NU as a large Muslim womens organization. This study uses qualitative methods which use the discourse analysis, not the statistical figures. Data collection is obtained through observation, conversation analysis, and discourse analysis.

Topic: Women and political participation

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=169


From Text to Movement: Women Empowerement and Muslimah Hizbut Tahrir
Alai Nadjib

Fisip UIN Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta


From Text to Movement: Women Empowerment & Muslimah Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia.

Despite HTI causing much controversy, there are only few studies revealing the existence of their womens organization section, the Muslimah HTI (MHTI). Being not registered in the Ministry of Internal Affairs, their movements are quite remarkable, especially in maintaining and extending their networks internally with global Muslimah Hizbut Tahrir. MHTI, in their early formation, has established national and international womens reputation by such as organizing International Womens Conference.

In principle, MHTI has religious principles that are in line with HTI but they concern only on women issues. They actively mobilize the women grassroot for disseminating their ideas to the public as well as trying to influence the women-related legislation bill, such as pornography. What interesting to take a further look is while Indonesian womens organizations want to build Indonesia better, especially through empowering the women, MHTI wants to make the world better by implementing khilafah and confronting the evils: capitalism, liberalism, secularism, human rights, gender equality and democracy. For MHTI, womens empowerment is wrong if it calls on gender equality. They call for men and women to be succesful only in their respective roles. In economic terms, they do not allow women to compete against man. If there are women working it is not because of economic pressure but for the sake of community. In addition, while other womens organizations always work together with their respective mens organizations, MHTI moves massively only by following the HTI command line but in practice they are segregated. The separation of men and women in their activities are apparent.

The irony, however, is that they do not bother that their movement has been part of democracy, part of the gender equality and part of secularization. They keep fighting their ideas nationally and internationally. It is thus interesting to investigate how MHTI, not an ordinary women movement and survive in Indonesia.

Topic: Women and political participation

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=178


Strategies for capacity building of women legislative members through a gender-responsive and relation approach
Moita, Sulsalman and Roslan Suharty

Departement of Sociology, Halu Oleo Universitiy Kendari Southeast Sulawesi


This study aims to produce a strategy to increase the capacity of women legislative members through a relationship and gender responsive approach, which is a model of capacity building and competence in carrying out their duties and functions as peoples representatives of facts and discources that have considered women legislators as subordinate in decision making And the formulation of policies in parliament. A gender-responsive and gender-responsive approach is an approach that focuses on gender equality and fairness by strengthening the capacity of parliamentary women to align with men in responding to and championing the aspirations of the people.
To achieve that goal, a qualitative research approach is conducted, ie research activities that try to understand the meaning of the individual (subjective meaning) of the subjects examined. The researcher engages in intensive and intensive interaction and communication with the research person, including the researcher should be able to understand and develop the categories, strategies, models, and analysis of the social processes that occur in society and in parliament.
The results showed that: 1) the capacity of women legislative members in Konawe District in carrying out their duties and functions was born from the self-synergy movement of support of family instisui and political party bearers; 2) Capacity building strategies for women legislative members through a gender relationship approach result in womens competitiveness in parliament to demonstrate competing capacity in terms of access, resource allocation, participation and benefits; And 3) The consequent capacity building of women legislative members encourages pro-gender budgeting and policies.

Topic: Women and political participation

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=179


Ditha Prasanti & Sri Seti Indriani

Universitas Padjadjaran


A good leadership needs competence in communicating to its members, the way in communicating of a leader influence on how an organization or an institution reaches its goals. In this modern society, there has been an increasing amount of women becoming leaders in their organization which in some parts of the society in Indonesia, It is still rare to find women in charge. This research is to see more about women in charge in an institution/organization focusing on how they communicate with their members to reach the goals, so the title emerged on this research is “Communication Style of Leadership in Women’s Figure’.

Researchers focus on: (1) to know the communication style of leadership in women’s figure; (2) to know the communication obstacles that these women face in reaching their organization/institutional goals.
Researches use a qualitative approach with a study case method. The data collecting technique used are depth interview, documentation study and observation. 4 informants were chosen by purposive sampling techniques. The communication theory which is relevant to this study is interaction symbolic theory.

Results show that: (1) The communication style of leadership in a women’s figure consists of
telling, guiding, participating, dan delegating; (2) Obstacles that are mostly found are related to semantically, technical and physiological problems. And also problems that relate to knowledge.

Topic: Women and political participation

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=181





Abstract— Proclaimed as a child-friendly regency, Kolaka Utara is seeking a system of development of an administrative area which integrates commitments and resources of the government, society, and business worlds in the fulfillment of children’s rights in a planned, comprehensive and sustainable way. The implementation is done by putting children matters in the first and foremost place. Forum Anak Koke-Koke is a platform for youth participation to accommodate their voice aspirations, managed by young aged up to 18 years old, in cooperation with government, and contributes to the planning, monitoring and evaluation of program policies and regional development activities, their ability to learn and play allows them to give active meaning to their environment.
The method used in this research is descriptive qualitative research which aims to explain the description of youth participation in the development acceleration of north kolaka regency, in this case the researcher take descriptive study at Forum Anak Koke-Koke.
Raising and encourage young people to be active citizen in decision making process and takes participation in society are the main priority nowdays in Kolaka Utara. Youth participation in the development process in the region is influenced by several aspects, among others: government policy, and socio-cultural conditions. the existence of Forum Anak Koke-Koke aims to reduce the problems of youth participation in Kolaka Utara. this forum made a revolutionary breakthrough related to the participation of young people of Kolaka Utara, such as appreciated the views of young people, political support and engaging community.

Topic: Youth and student movements

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=80


Islamic Da’wa among Youths in Samarinda: an Exploratory Study
Miftahur Ridho

IAIN Samarinda


This paper aims at mapping out models of Da’wa movement involving youths as a social group in Samarinda and understanding how such social group constructing a perceived ideal da’wa movement in the society. Exploratory research combined with qualitative technique is applied to analyse data gathered through indepth interview, documentation, and focussed group discussion. Findings suggest that there are at leas three models of da’wa movement involving youths in Samarinda. First, syntetic da’wa movement that combine profane popular culture and cultural practice deemed sacred hence Islamic by the society. Secondly, da’wa movement oriented towards moral puricication of its activists in the form of tasawwuf-thariqa. Thirdly, structural da’wa that deeply orients its activity towards the idea of enjoining good and forbidding eveil. Ideal da’wa movement as it is perceived by youths in Samarinda, therefore, can be seen as a continuum where the syncretic model lies in one point and a structural and noncompromistic model lies in another point.

Topic: Youth and student movements

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=127


Between the Sacred and the Profane: the Dynamics of the Memorization of the Qur’an among Children in East Kalimantan
miftahur ridho

IAIN Samarinda


For Muslims, memorizing the text of Qur’an is among the highest rewarding deeds since it has long been perceived to be the manifestation of the idea of guarding the religion. Persons capable of memorizing the whole thirty chapters of the Qur’an are believed to be spiritually superior and, thus, are rewarded a highly respected position in a Muslim society. However, to do such a herculean task of Memorization, one should start the job as soon as she or he could; as soon as early childhood. This paper, therefore, aims at exploring the dynamic inter-relationship between sacred and profane motives in the process of memorization of Qur’an among hafizes of Qur’an (guardians of the Qur’an) in East Kalimantan, Indonesia, by answering twofold questions; (1) What are the main determinant factors affecting the decision to memorize the Qur’an? And (2) how full-fledged hafizes of Qur’an see their huge efforts in doing such tasks?

Topic: Youth and student movements

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=128


Vinita Susanti, vinitasusanti@yahoo.com

University Islam Negeri – Syarif Hidayatullah, Jakarta


This paper discusses how the experience of children in the process of coaching in LPKA Bandung, especially in terms of education. The reason for choosing Bandung, because LPKA Bandung, is the first LPKA in Indonesia and become a pilot for all LPKA. LPKA. Hopefully, children get well education in LPKA. In fact, it is described in an article entitled "The Process of Development in LPKA in Learning Context in LPKA Bandung, West Java.

The purpose of writing this article is how the children experience in LPKA, especially in terms of learning, what problems are in LPKA and how to overcome them. This writing uses qualitative methods, and is based on child protection. How children are guaranteed their rights in order to live, grow, develop, especially in the field of education, to morals and prosperous.

Topic: Youth and student movements

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=157


The pattern of Youth and Student movement in democracy after two decades of Indonesian Reformation
Fadlan Muzakki

Zhejiang University


Youth or student movement has been completely prominent in every single event in Indonesia since Dutch colonial era. The role of youth has been able to be seen since the preparation of Indonesian Independence before 1945. Furthermore, the youth and student movement has also been able to be seen in Indonesian reformation in 1998. There was no doubt that the role of student protest, supported by other factors, has resulted Indonesian reformation. However, the Intensity of Youth and Student movement in Indonesia has fluctuated after the reformation. Some scholars argued that the role of the movement is as not massive as the action before the reformation. There are big questions: What is the role of youth and student movement in promoting democracy and political stability in last 20 years? How is the pattern of youth and student movement, especially in criticizing public policy after Indonesian reformation? Therefore, this paper seeks to dig in the role of the students in democracy after the 1998. This paper uses Event Data Analysis which extracts the periodic news from mainstream media in Indonesia to make the pattern of youth and student movement year by year. The data will be extracted through Nexus System and Interaction Survey System which is developed by Sarah McClelland in 1976 and will be extracted to be charts and diagrams. Moreover, this study also uses an in-deep interview to a number of youth and student organization to undergo their program in terms of their role in democracy after reformation.

Topic: Youth and student movements

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=160


Civic Education for Muslim Students in the Era of Democracy: Lessons Learned from Indonesia
A. Ubaedillah



Political tension between those secular and Muslim groups has been recently revived during the wave of democratization in Indonesia at the turn of the 21st century. Though Islam did not become the state ideology, its role and contribution to strengthen both democracy and the position of Pancasila as the state ideology for the sake of national unity has been critical. In this regard, the initial success of Indonesia as the most democratic Muslim country cannot be disassociated from the contribution of Muslims. The role of two largest Muslim organizations, Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) and Muhammadiyah, has been tremendously important in promoting and strengthening democratization. Their strong commitment to Pancasila has framed the discussion on how to keep nurturing democracy for Indonesia’s plural society and maintain Pancasila as the state ideology.
The fall of President Soeharto in 1998 changed the fundamentals of Indonesian politics, ending more than three decades of military rule under the “New Order”. Democracy had emerged as the core agenda of the student movement, and became the main public agenda in reforming the old political system. The ruling government had been corrupt, ignoring the participation of the population and abusing democracy and human rights. In the reform era (era reformasi), fair and credible democratic elections were instituted.
This paper will comparatively discuss the Civic Education program run by the UIN Jakarta during the reform era. The program has been conducted as the better way to disseminate democracy values for Muslim students, different from the previous program by the New Order of Soeharto where indoctrination was very critical in its implementation.

Topic: Youth and student movements

PermaLink: http://icsps.fisip.uinjkt.ac.id/kfz/pages/abstract.php?id=180

ICSPS 2017 - Submission Management System

Powered By Konfrenzi 1.74G © 2018 All Rights Reserved